Latin America has been within the sphere of influence of various global powers throughout history. This geography has been shaped by the cultural and historical legacy of its former colonial power Spain on one hand, while facing the increasing interventionism of the United States (US) since the 19th century on the other. At the present point, Latin America has become the scene of a complex hegemonic struggle where Spain and the US both compete and occasionally cooperate.
Spain’s influence in Latin America began with colonization activities in the 16th century. Language, religion, law, and administrative systems were all shaped according to Spanish structure. However, with independence wars in the early 19th century, Spanish colonies declared their independence one by one, and Spain’s military and political power lost its influence on the continent.
In the same century, the US declared its strategy of limiting European influence in Latin America with the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, and in this direction began to view the region as its own “backyard”.[1] This approach took concrete form especially during the Cold War period with anti-communist interventions (such as the 1973 coup in Chile, the Contra movement in Nicaragua, CIA-backed operations in Guatemala).
The US is Latin America’s largest trading partner. The North American Free Trade Agreement and the subsequent US-Mexico-Canada Agreement have made countries like Mexico even more integrated with the US. It has also become a power that shapes the region through financial institutions such as the Inter-American Development Bank.
On the other hand, Spain has made significant investments in the region in telecommunications, energy, and banking sectors, particularly benefiting from privatization processes since the 1990s. Companies such as Telefonica, Banco Santander, and Repsol have extensive operations in countries like Argentina, Peru, and Chile. However, these investments have occasionally led to accusations of “neocolonialism” in public opinion.[2]
While the US’s cultural influence spreads through cinema, music, and digital media in Latin American societies, Spain stands out in this field with its linguistic advantage. Through institutions like the Cervantes Institute, Spain continues its mission to preserve and spread the standards of the Spanish language. The US, with the influence of Hollywood and internet giants, creates a stronger popular culture impact on the young population.
The media organizations of both countries are also in competition on the continent. CNN en Español and El País América are two important media tools that shape the flow of information over Latin American peoples.
Spain maintains its diplomatic relations through multilateral platforms such as Ibero-American Summits in order to strengthen its historical ties with Latin America. Taking part as an observer in the democratization processes of Latin American countries and offering development cooperation have also become priorities in its foreign policy.
The US often adopts a perspective that prioritizes security, border control, and immigration issues. “Safe third country” agreements made especially with Central American countries and sanctions policies regarding the Venezuela Crisis are indicators of this approach.
Although the US and Spain occasionally compete in Latin America, the interests of both countries intersect at some points. For example, in the Venezuela Crisis, both the US and Spain supported democratic transition against the Maduro regime; however, they showed differences in intervention methods. While the US turned to harsher sanctions, Spain preferred diplomatic pressure.
In addition, in some periods the two countries acted jointly in economic forums and investment conferences; it has been observed that European and American companies formed consortiums in infrastructure projects in Latin America.[3] However, these cooperations are far from being permanent.
The influence of the US and Spain over Latin America is shaped not only within continental borders but also through diaspora communities. Particularly Mexican, Puerto Rican, Colombian, and Cuban communities in the US have both become part of domestic politics and assumed a bridge role in foreign policies maintained with Latin America. On the other hand, Latin American immigrants in Spain (especially Ecuadorian, Peruvian, and Bolivian populations) have both integrated into Spanish society and become a socio-cultural tool in Madrid’s diplomatic relations with Latin America. These two diaspora areas directly affect the domestic political calculations of the US and Spain regarding Latin America.
In the 21st century, hegemonic competition continues not only through military, diplomatic, or cultural means but also through technological and digital infrastructure. While US-based companies (Google, Meta, Amazon) hold almost monopolistic positions in Latin America’s digital infrastructure, Spain-based technology companies are also trying to expand into the region, particularly in e-government solutions and digital education. In this context, issues such as information flow, digital dependency, and data security constitute new axes of hegemonic struggle. How Latin American states will establish their own digital sovereignty in this process will be one of the new tests of regional autonomy.
The US and Spain are also conducting a quiet competition in the field of higher education and academic cooperation in Latin America. The Washington administration aims to create a long-term impact on intellectual capital on the continent through Fulbright scholarships, United States Agency for International Development (USAID) education funds, and directing Latin American students to American universities. Spain, through Universidad de Salamanca, Complutense de Madrid, and private universities, offers undergraduate and graduate scholarships to Latin American students; it tries to strengthen the “Spanish intellectual tradition” continent-wide through initiatives aimed at Ibero-American academic integration. This academic field has become a strategic extension of the hegemony race because it carries the potential to shape not only brain drain but also ideological orientations, language policies, and foreign policy perceptions of future generations.
In conclusion, the hegemonic struggle of the US and Spain over Latin America has become not merely an influence competition based on historical past, but a strategic race reflecting today’s multi-layered and multi-dimensional power dynamics. These competitive areas extending from economy to culture, from diplomacy to digitalization, from diaspora to education, are transforming Latin America from being merely an affected region to an actor position that can choose its direction among global powers. However, this competition among these powers also brings with it the question of to what extent Latin America can preserve its own internal integrity and independent development vision.
[1] “Monroe Doctrine (1823)”, National Archives, 2 Dec. 1823, www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/monroe-doctrine, (Date Accessed: 01.06.2025).
[2] “Un Derrame de Repsol en Perú Causa ‘el Peor Desastre Ecológico Ocurrido en Lima’”, El Diario, eldiario.es/internacional/derrame-repsol-peru-desastre-ecologico-lima_1_8677893.html, (Date Accessed: 01.06.2025).
[3] “BlackRock-led consortium snaps up Panama ports in $23B deal”, PitchBook, www.pitchbook.com/news/articles/blackrock-consortium-acquire-control-panama-ports-23b-deal, (Date Accessed: 01.06.2025).
