Analysis

The Future of South Korea-China-Japan Relations: Cooperation or Conflict

The economic interdependence between the three countries reduce the risk of a potential military confrontation in the region.
Tokyo is revising its national defense strategy to be prepared for potential crises in its immediate surroundings.
When is viewed in the context of historical references, Japan’s stance takes on a much more dangerous dimension.

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South Korean President Lee Jae Myung met with Chinese President Xi Jinping on January 5, 2026, during his four-day working visit to Beijing. The two leaders signed a $44 million trade agreement and 14 memorandums of understanding in a number of areas. These talks have also been significant, as they marked the first visit to China at the presidential level by South Korea since 2019. Since then, regional and global balances have changed considerably. Given the current situation, Seoul has reaffirmed its commitment to supporting regional security and stability by emphasizing the importance of cooperation with Beijing through this visit.

Essentially, these diplomatic efforts had been revived starting in 2023 in a trilateral format that also included Japan at the foreign minister level. The last of these meetings was held in March 2025. However, in the last quarter of 2025, political disputes between China and Japan escalated, particularly over the Taiwan issue, and, combined with trade sanctions, nearly reached crisis levels. So, it should be seen as noteworthy that, unlike Tokyo, Seoul has increased its diplomatic contacts to revive relations with Beijing. Diplomatic contacts between these three countries also offer clues about how the regional and global context has changed from 2019 to the present. 

For example, the most significant developments that led to increased diplomatic contacts between the three countries in 2023 were the growing military presence of Western powers, particularly the US, in the Far East, as well as the potential for issues such as North Korea and Taiwan to escalate. Indeed, when the US visited Taiwan at the level of the Speaker of the House in the summer of 2022, it crossed China’s red line as far as possible. Additionally, Japan and South Korea’s increasing military-diplomatic engagement with the US during this period was a major source of concern for China. However, at that time, South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol did not accept US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s plan to visit Seoul after Taiwan. Pelosi visited Tokyo after Taiwan. Seoul’s cautious approach demonstrated its sensitivity to Beijing’s concerns and its desire to avoid provoking a reaction. In other words, South Korea did not want to be caught in the middle of an escalating crisis between the US and China and prioritized communication to ease regional tensions.

Amid such developments and after a four-year hiatus, South Korea, China, and Japan restarted their consultation mechanism at the foreign minister level in 2023.[1] All three countries’ emphasis on diplomacy to reduce regional tensions was seen as a promising development. On March 11, 2025, the 11th consultation meeting between the foreign ministers of the three countries took place in Tokyo.[2] But when Japan’s Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, who took office in October 2025, adopted an approach that included Taiwan in its national security boundaries, it provoked a reaction from China.

As a matter of fact, Prime Minister Takaichi’s stance coincides with Japan’s national defense strategy, which has remained unchanged since 2013. Tokyo is revising its national defense strategy to be prepared for potential crises in its immediate surroundings. These “security threats” focus on three elements. These can be listed as Russia’s presence in the Northern Territories (Kuril Islands), threats originating from North Korea, and tensions between China and Taiwan. To prepare for these potential “security threats” and establish credibility, Japan is constantly revising and developing its military power and defense plans.

Likewise, South Korea’s defense plans are also constantly being updated, particularly due to new security threats originating from Pyongyang. Particularly following strategic developments such as North Korea’s intercontinental and ballistic missile tests, as well as its commencement of nuclear submarine production, South Korea began seeking support from the US in this regard and signed agreements for joint nuclear submarine production.[3] In addition, Seoul has concentrated its efforts on developing a joint nuclear dissuasion and defense strategy with the United States to deter nuclear attacks from the North. At the same time, South Korea wants China to take on the role of “mediator for peace” on the Korean Peninsula, which includes the nuclear issue.

When viewed from a Western perspective, China is seen as North Korea’s largest trading partner and important diplomatic supporter. However, it should not be forgotten that Beijing has the ability to influence Pyongyang and calm it down in order to reduce regional tensions. It has also been widely reported that China has sent numerous diplomatic letters to North Korea calling for an end to conflict and tension.[4] Similar requests have also been made to China by South Korea and the US. Western powers want China to use its influence over Pyongyang to bring North Korea to the negotiating table. Looking at the big picture, China has called on all parties involved in North Korean issues to show restraint and has repeatedly blocked attempts by the US and others in recent years to tighten sanctions against North Korea at the UN.

In conclusion, if one were to summarize the perspectives of the three countries, Japan has begun to position China as its primary “security threat” over the past decade. China’s rise as a superpower in the economic, political, and military spheres is causing concern in Japan, leading Tokyo to increase its defense spending. China, on the other hand, views these changes in Japan’s military strategy as a major threat from a historical perspective and wants diplomatic channels to be used effectively to reduce tensions. The economic interdependence between the three countries reduces the risk of a possible military confrontation in the region. Meanwhile, South Korea seems to be focusing on strengthening its economic and diplomatic relations with China. Such efforts are also being reciprocated by China. However, Japan’s stance, when considered in the context of historical references, takes on a much more dangerous dimension.

[1] “10th Korea-Japan-China Trilateral Foreign Ministers’ Meeting to Take Place”, Republic of Korea-MFA, https://www.mofa.go.kr/eng/brd/m_5676/view.do?seq=322361&page=1, (Access Date: 10.01.2026).

[2] “The 11th China-Japan-ROK Trilateral Foreign Ministers’ Meeting Held in Tokyo”, FMPRC, https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjbzhd/202503/t20250325_11581396.html?ref=cjfp.org, (Access Date: 10.01.2026).

[3] “The US will help South Korea build nuclear ‘attack’ submarines – here’s what that means”, BBC, https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c620qppzlgwo, (Access Date: 18.11.2025).

[4] “China’s Xi Calls for Communication, Unity in Letter to NKorea, State Media Says”, VOA News, https://www.voanews.com/a/china-s-xi-calls-for-communication-unity-in-letter-to-nkorea-state-media-says-/6791791.html, (Access Date: 10.01.2026).

Dr. Cenk TAMER
Dr. Cenk TAMER
Dr. Cenk Tamer graduated from Sakarya University, Department of International Relations in 2014. In the same year, he started his master's degree at Gazi University, Department of Middle Eastern and African Studies. In 2016, Tamer completed his master's degree with his thesis titled "Iran's Iraq Policy after 1990", started working as a Research Assistant at ANKASAM in 2017 and was accepted to Gazi University International Relations PhD Program in the same year. Tamer, whose areas of specialization are Iran, Sects, Sufism, Mahdism, Identity Politics and Asia-Pacific and who speaks English fluently, completed his PhD education at Gazi University in 2022 with his thesis titled "Identity Construction Process and Mahdism in the Islamic Republic of Iran within the Framework of Social Constructionism Theory and Securitization Approach". He is currently working as an Asia-Pacific Specialist at ANKASAM.

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