China and India, Asian civilizations that have lived side by side for thousands of years, share common ideas about building the future of humanity. The Chinese people have embraced the vision of “an honest and just world for the common good” since ancient times. The phrase “Vasudhaiva Kutummbakam (The World is One Family)” in ancient Indian literature also offers a global perspective that prioritizes the welfare of the world over individual interests. Two nations with the wisdom of the East have the responsibility, ability and opportunity to determine the future of the world within the framework of the “Asian Century”.
After the end of the Cold War, the so-called “unipolar system” emerged under Western leadership. The beginning of the 21st century witnessed the rise of Asian actors in the international arena. This century, led by rapidly growing economies such as India and China, offers an alternative world model that encourages multilateralism against the hegemony of the West.[1] . However, the West’s struggle against Asian actors, especially Russia and China, has led to the deepening of global competition and the subsequent increase in polarization. At this very point, India, which is shown as a part of Western democracy despite being Asian, has started to have difficulty in acting together with Russia and China in building the Asian Century within the framework of multilateralism.
While the world is now living in an “age of peace” [2]and there is a constant state of chaos and conflict in the world, hopes for a cooperative Asian order are gradually diminishing. It has been observed that India and China have maintained their moderate policies since the last border conflicts that broke out in 2020. Despite this softening in the military-diplomatic sense, it can be said that the tension and mutual distrust between the two actors continues. So much so that competition in the cyberspace fuels this crisis of trust. India’s ban on Chinese applications to protect information security has deepened this crisis. This distrust in cyberspace is also reflected in bilateral trade. India has imposed stricter controls on Chinese investments in sensitive sectors in order to establish its national economic security. Accordingly, the approval of the Indian Government will now be required for direct foreign investments from China.
. India and China, one of the largest Asian actors with the vision of building the future together, have been stuck in border conflicts in recent years, and such disputes cause both countries to consume their energy. In fact, crisis-conflict-block politics is the West’s domination of Asia. In this sense, New Delhi and Beijing are critical actors trying to counter the West’s crisis politics in Asia. [3]
It has been observed that India and China have maintained their moderate policies since the last border conflicts that broke out in 2020. Despite this softening in the military-diplomatic sense, it can be said that the tension and mutual distrust between the two actors continues. So much so that competition in the cyberspace fuels this crisis of trust. India’s ban on Chinese applications to protect information security has deepened this crisis. This distrust in cyberspace is also reflected in bilateral trade. India has imposed stricter controls on Chinese investments in sensitive sectors in order to establish its national economic security. Accordingly, the approval of the Indian Government will now be required for direct foreign investments from China
Competition in the field of economy later extended to the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea. After the latest clashes in the Galvan Valley, India sent a warship to the South China Sea, sending a serious warning message that it could intervene in China’s “backyard”. In response, China sent space research ships to Sri Lankan ports, creating the impression that it could easily reach India’s “backyard”.
The background of the strategies that New Delhi has followed against Beijing in recent years is the perception of the so-called “China threat” created by the West and then magnified and presented to Asian countries. Although China proposed a corridor for India within the scope of the Belt and Road Initiative, New Delhi rejected this project due to the aforementioned fears created by the West. On the contrary, India strengthened the infrastructure and fortifications on the border with China, and in this context, worked to enable the Army to move easily and quickly to the border regions by building roads, bridges and tunnels. Since China is generally militarily superior to India, New Delhi has focused on the high-altitude combat training it received from the American Army in order to gain an advantage in the border region.[4]
In addition to cyber, economic and military rivalry, diplomatic rivalries have also emerged lately. Indian Foreign Minister Dr S. Jaishankar has made it clear on several occasions that friendship between India and China is not possible if border violations continue. Speaking at the SCO Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in May this year, Dr S. Jaishankar said:“India-China relations are not normal and cannot be normal if peace and tranquillity in border areas are disturbed” .
India explains these steps as defence moves to protect its national security. In China’s eyes, on the other hand, India is fuelling conflict by creating constant activity on the border. From a broader perspective, there is a danger that both actors could become part of the Western crisis politics. Unless India and China succeed in realising the Asian Century by coming together in a win-win cooperation, it will be almost impossible to prevent crises in Asia.
[1] “India-China Relations: The End of Hope for an Asian Century”, South Asian Voices, https://southasianvoices.org/india-china-relations-the-end-of-hope-for-an-asian-century/, (Erişim Tarihi: 28.10.2023).
[2] Mark Leonard’ın “Barışsızlık Çağı” kitabına atfen kullanılmıştır.
[3] “India-China Relations: The End of Hope for an Asian Century”, a.g.e., (Erişim Tarihi: 28.10.2023).
[4] Same place
