The Central American region has historically offered fertile ground for political integration projects due to its geographical coherence and shared cultural and linguistic traits. The Federal Republic of Central America (1823–1841), although short-lived, has remained present in the collective memory of the region and is occasionally revisited in both political discourse and academic studies as a model worth reviving. In the modern era, however, integration among these countries has mostly occurred at the economic and institutional level. In this context, the most significant structure is the Central American Integration System (SICA), institutionalized through the Protocol of Tegucigalpa in 1991.[1]
SICA is a multilateral integration system composed of members such as Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Panama, and later the Dominican Republic. The system’s primary objective is to promote regional solidarity based on peace, democracy, and development. Through institutional mechanisms such as summits of foreign ministers, regional security commissions, and subcommittees on justice and internal affairs, SICA aims to enhance both political coordination and economic cooperation.
Since the 1990s, countries in the region have pursued openness and sought to increase regional competitiveness under the influence of neoliberal policies. Within this framework, SICA has also sought to be active in areas of economic convergence such as the reduction of customs tariffs, trade facilitation agreements, and infrastructure projects. Nevertheless, the sustainability of integration depends largely on the political stability of member states and the presence of mutual trust.
Central American countries face remarkably similar social, economic, and security challenges. Chief among these is organized crime, especially illicit drug trafficking and incidents of armed violence. Criminal groups like MS-13 and Barrio 18 have evolved into a major security crisis that undermines state authority, particularly in Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala. This situation poses a threat not only to national security but also to regional stability.
Although policies to combat armed groups vary from country to country, shared borders and weak border security make unilateral approaches ineffective. In this regard, the Central American Security Commission, established within SICA, has been working to develop a regional strategy through tools such as information sharing, border cooperation, and training programs. However, in practice, a lack of political will and limited resources have constrained these initiatives.
The countries of the region also form a crucial migration corridor. Hundreds of thousands of people—particularly from Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador (collectively referred to as the “Northern Triangle”)—try to reach the United States to escape poverty, violence, and unemployment. In addition to causing humanitarian crises, this situation directly impacts relations with the U.S. While the U.S. has tightened its border security policies, it also offers economic assistance and development projects to these countries to stem migration flows.
However, such aid is often tied to political conditions, carrying the risk of interference in domestic affairs. Nonetheless, the migration issue has created momentum toward developing common migration policies at the regional level, as it necessitates coordination among countries. The Puebla Declaration, published in 2019, is one such effort aimed at forming a legal and institutional framework for regional migration governance.[2]
Trends toward economic cooperation among Central American countries are also gaining strength. Regional development investments such as highways, electricity transmission lines, and digital infrastructure projects can be seen as tangible indicators of integration. However, economic imbalances in the region present a significant challenge. For example, Panama and Costa Rica have relatively higher per capita income levels and better infrastructure quality, while countries like Honduras and Nicaragua suffer from deeper poverty and political fragility. These inequalities complicate the implementation of shared economic strategies.
Investments from Asian countries like China and South Korea have opened a new axis in foreign policy while also offering financing opportunities for regional projects. Efforts to join China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), in particular, may enhance regional connectivity in the transportation and logistics sectors. However, such investments may also spark competition based on national interests.
In this integration process, civil society organizations and regional think tanks have been assuming an increasingly active role. In particular, efforts to raise collective awareness on transnational issues such as environmental protection, women’s rights, the preservation of indigenous populations, and climate change contribute to the formation of a “regional public sphere” that goes beyond institutional integration. The development of a more integrated digital identity among the region’s youth also provides a vital social foundation for Central America’s future collective vision. These social dynamics may create an “infrastructure of unity” that paves the way for political integration initiatives. In this sense, regional integration can be viewed not only as an intergovernmental endeavor but also as a transformation among societies.
The region’s dependence on energy and infrastructure shortcomings have brought shared energy projects to the forefront. Cooperation efforts in the cross-border use of renewable energy sources are increasing. Electricity interconnections between Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua serve as a clear example. Energy integration not only accelerates economic development but also encourages political coordination.
The common threats and opportunities faced by the countries of the region make the search for renewed integration in Central America a necessity. While such ideas of unity may be perceived as historical nostalgia, under current conditions they are becoming a functional requirement. If political will, institutional capacity, and external support are mobilized in a coordinated manner, a more integrated Central America may not only be an ideal but also an achievable objective. However, making this model sustainable will require the manifestation of a far stronger commitment.
[1] “Sistema de la Integración Centroamericana (SICA)”, United Nations Terminology Database (UNTERM), unterm.un.org/unterm2/en/view/unhq/fe913c8e-5974-4263-8a86-ee6258bcbdc6, (Date Accession: 11.05.2025).
[2] “Regional Conference on Migration (RCM or Puebla Process)”, International Organization for Migration, www.iom.int/regional-conference-migration-rcm-or-puebla-process, (Date Accession: 11.05.2025).
