The New Phase in Greece-Italy Cooperation

Paylaş

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It is possible to say that the cooperation between Greece and Italy is shaped by energy. The parties are two countries that cooperate closely, especially on energy. Italian energy company ENI’s joint natural gas exploration activities with Greece and Greek Cypriot Administration of South Cyprus (GCA) with it are known. ENI, in particular, is an important partner in East Med, a project that plans to transport Israeli natural gas to Europe.

It is observed that the two countries have started to develop even closer cooperation on energy with the process that started with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. For example, in September 2022, an agreement on natural gas storage was signed between Athens and Rome. With this agreement, Greece has gained the ability to store natural gas in Italy. There is no gas storage facility in Greece[1] Therefore, the importance of the agreement for Greece has increased.

Since the beginning of the war between Ukraine and Russia, Greece has been focused on taking measures, considering the possibility of a cut in gas from Russia. Therefore, Greece’s agreement with Italy on natural gas storage has been one of the steps it has taken to ensure energy security. The importance of the agreement is even greater, especially considering that Greece is highly dependent on Russian natural gas.

Another factor that attracts attention in the relations between the parties is the possibility of improving cooperation between the two countries on the occasion of the “ports.” On October 6, 2022, the Greek Privatization Agency selected an Italian-led consortium as the preferred investor in the sale of the majority stake in the Port of Igoumenitsa.[2] The port is located in the northwest of Greece and is therefore located close to Italy.

As a foreign policy tool, Greece sells its ports to various countries and tries to obtain economic and political interests. Accordingly, the Athens administration has sold the Port of Piraeus to China, the Port of Thessaloniki to Russia and the Port of Alexandroupolis to the United States (US). Within the framework of the realized sales, Greece aims to benefit from the Port of Piraeus in the economic fields and the Port of Alexandroupolis in the security fields. In August 2022, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) wanted to purchase the Port of Heraklion in Crete.

It can be thought that the reason why the Greek Privatization Agency chose an Italian company for the natural gas deal is related to the fact that the two countries want to take their cooperation in the Eastern Mediterranean to the next level. With the sale of the Port of Igoumenitsa to an Italian company, a situation such as Rome’s further integration into Athens’ security policy may arise.

In parallel with the cooperation that has developed in the framework of energy relations on the Athens-Rome line, cooperation in the field of defense is also increasing between the parties. In this regard, on October 12, 2022, at the Italian Embassy in Athens, Greece signed a memorandum of understanding with the Italian shipbuilder Fincantieri on the purchase of four corvette warships.[3]

The Italian Fincantieri, with which Greece signed an agreement, is the largest shipbuilding company in Europe,[4] this is another aspect that increases the importance of the agreement. The factor that should be taken into account in Greece’s armament policy is that it acts in such a way that it does not depend on a single country. For example, while Athens is buying Rafale fighter jets from Paris, it is also trying to buy F-35s from Washington. Nevertheless, agreements have been signed to buy frigates from France.  As can be understood, the Athens administration is carrying out a “balance policy” on armament. In this context, Greece is trying to secure itself by signing military agreements with various countries.

The main goal of the Athens administration is to integrate these countries into its own defense policy. Considering issues such as the additional parts and maintenance of these weapons, a continuous cooperation will be formed between the countries in the field of defense. It can be said that this is one of the main reasons why Greece ordered corvettes from Italy.

Another issue on which Athens and Rome act jointly is the issue of irregular migration to Europe. On November 12, 2022, Greece, Italy, Malta and the GCA issued a joint statement declaring that they cannot cope with the migration crisis alone. In the statement, the parties condemned the operations of private charity ships, which act in complete autonomy from the competent state authorities to rescue hundreds of migrants at sea.[5]

In November 2022, Italy’s reaction to the non-governmental organizations’ ships rescuing migrants in the Mediterranean, and therefore the tension in relations with France, pointed to a deep rift in the European Union (EU).

On the other hand, it is seen that the Athens administration is on the side of Italy on this issue. In fact, this is not surprising. The election of Giorgia Meloni as Prime Minister in Italy has caused Rome to further toughen its policy against irregular migrants. This toughening policy can be described as a positive development for Greece. Thus, Athens found a new ally in implementing its harsh policy towards immigrants with Meloni’s coming to power in Italy.

Therefore, it can be argued that Rome and Athens could take joint initiatives against immigrants in the Mediterranean. In this context, it can be said that the relations between Italy and Greece, which are led by two anti-immigrant leaders, can be further developed. Moreover, it can be foreseen that the opponents of irregular migration will increase even more within the EU in the future.

In conclusion, it is seen that there is a multidimensional partnership between Greece and Italy. The two countries cooperate closely, especially in the field of energy. At the same time, the relations between Athens and Rome have a defense and security dimension. Furthermore, with the coming to power of Meloni in Italy, the parties have signaled that they will carry out a close partnership on irregular migration.


[1] “Greece Signs Agreement with Italy on Natural Gas Storage”, Reuters, https://www.reuters.com/article/greece-italy-gas-idUSL8N30G4BM, (Date of Accession: 01.12.2022).

[2] “Greece Names Preferred İnvestor For Igoumenitsa Port”, Reuters, https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/greece-names-preferred-investor-igoumenitsa-port-2022-10-06/, (Date of Accession: 01.12.2022).

[3] “Fincantieri Partners Wıth The Greek Industry”, Fincantieri, https://www.fincantieri.com/en/media/press-releases/2022/fincantieri-partners-with-the-greek-industry/, (Date of Accession: 01.12.2022).

[4] “Fincantieri Group-The Largest Shipbuilder in Europe”, Yacht Harbour, https://yachtharbour.com/news/fincantieri-group—the-largest-shipbuilder-in-europe-4150, (Date of Accession: 01.12.2022).

[5]  “Greece Can’t Take Migration Burden Anymore; Italy, Cyprus, Malta Join in Support”, Greek City Times, https://greekcitytimes.com/2022/11/14/greece-migration-burden/, (Date of Accession: 01.12.2022).

Cemal Ege ÖZKAN
Cemal Ege ÖZKAN
Cemal Ege Özkan, 2019 yılında Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi Tarih Bölümü’nden mezun olmuştur. Yüksek lisans derecesini, 2022 senesinde aynı üniversitenin Türk İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Anabilim Dalı’nda hazırladığı “Türk Siyasi Hayatında Selim Rauf Sarper ve Faaliyetleri” başlıklı teziyle almıştır. Hâlihazırda aynı enstitüde doktora eğitimine devam etmektedir. 2020-2021 yılları arasında Türk Tarih Kurumu Yüksek Lisans Bursiyeri olan Özkan, iyi derecede İngilizce bilmektedir.

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