Russia in the Biden Administration’s National Security Strategy Document

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The White House released its new national security strategy document on October 12, 2022.[1] The document, which bears President Joe Biden’s signature, focuses on the traditional danger that the Western World perceives as a result of the Ukraine War. Thus, it provides vital messages regarding Russia.

Since the Truman Doctrine, which was implemented during the Cold War, Washington has pursued a strategy focused on containing the Soviet Union. The main pillar of this policy has been the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Although the Soviet Union dissolved after the Cold War, the United States of America’s (USA) strategy to contain Russia did not change that much. The NATO accession of Bulgaria and Romania in 2007, in particular, made the Moscow government feel besieged by the Black Sea. The circumstances in question also gave Moscow the notion that the containment policy had been expanded due to Tbilisi and Kyiv’s Western orientation, and that the Black Sea was to be converted into a “NATO heaven.”

Russia, on the other hand, engaged militarily in Georgia in 2008, as well as in Ukraine in 2014 and 2022. Despite the Russia-Ukraine War, which has been ongoing since February 24, 2022, NATO appears to be expanding its containment strategy against Russia. The accession process of Sweden and Finland indicates that the containment strategy will also be expanded to include the Baltic Sea. In this context, understanding the White House’s perspective of Russia is critical, particularly while the Washington-Moscow and the West-Russia conflicts continue. The document also distinguishes itself as a text worth investigating in this regard.

In the document’s preface, the US President notes that Russia’s participation in Ukraine has destroyed European peace and drawn attention to nuclear concerns, while also accusing the Moscow administration of undermining democracies.[2] In this regard, Biden described Russia as a state that undermines the international system’s framework and breaches fundamental principles of international law.[3] Moreover, Biden recalled that Russia joined the G8 and G20 in the 2000s, suggesting that this country owes its current achievements to the international system that it destroyed.[4] Furthermore, the document depicts Moscow, along with Beijing, as an actor that should be contained and devoted an entire heading to the issue. It is understood that the nuclear threat, as well as food and energy security, will be utilized as a key argument by the US and that it will be used as a weapon to unify the allies against Russia.

The document, which claims that the armament of Moscow, particularly its nuclear weapon blackmail, endangers world peace and security, also criticizes Moscow’s initiatives on the energy issue and emphasizes the need for energy security. Here, Biden’s goal may be defined as devising multiple formulae ranging from the shift to renewable energy to alternate gas and oil providers, as well as eliminating his partners’ reliance on Russia.

In this context, one of the most startling parts of the document, which contends that Moscow’s actions undercut the goal of a wealthy world, is that it alludes to a United Nations (UN) resolution of an inclusive world while denouncing Kremlin. This points out that Russia has no place in the inclusive world goal of the US. Hence, this symbolizes the continuance of policies aimed at isolating the Moscow government from the international community. That is why, under a separate heading, Russia and China are characterized as two countries that should be contained.

The document, which claims that the Kremlin administration has fundamentally violated the UN Charter, emphasized Moscow’s rejection of Washington’s cooperation efforts and draws attention to Russia’s military presence in Ukraine and Syria, as well as its influence in the post-Soviet space, especially in Central Asia.[5] In the Central Asian dimension, the US has stated its support for the C5+1 platform and demonstrated its desire to enhance relations with the governments in the region.[6] In addition, the US higlighted to the destabilizing influence of the Russian private military company Wagner, essentially sending the message that it would continue waging proxy wars.[7]

The statement, which also addressed Russia’s Arctic strategy on a regional level, emphasized that the Kremlin’s actions endangered the US aim of peaceful, prosperous, and stable Polar Regions.[8] This demonstrates that the White House will pursue Arctic Expansion and boost its actions in the area in light of Sweden and Finland’s NATO bid. In other words, Washington’s position on expanding its containment policy toward Russia to encompass the Baltic Sea is clear and concise. Undoubtedly, one of the purposes here is to hinder the development of the Northern Sea Route strategies.

The document, which argues that the Moscow administration pursues an imperialist agenda,[9] states that the USA should act in cooperation with its NATO partners to defend the Ukrainian people since Russian aggression must be halted immediately.[10]

On the other hand, on the occasion of the document in issue, the Biden administration stated that the Moscow government also threatens global food security. Within this framework, the document states, “The food insecurity crisis has become particularly dangerous because of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, which took much of Ukraine’s grain off the market and exacerbated an already worsening global food insecurity problem.”[11] Thus, Washington intends to intensify the international community’s response to Russia through concerns such as energy and food security.

The document, which classifies Russia as an authoritarian regime, claims that the nation is a threat to cyber security and that there are breaches of human rights and women’s rights within Russia.[12] This may be seen as a message that figures like Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny will be supported, opposition social movements will be fostered, and even some colorful revolution initiatives may take place.

In conclusion, the Biden administration’s National Security Strategy focuses significantly on Russia as a result of the impact of the Ukrainian War. In addition to demonstrating the will of the US to cooperate with its NATO allies, the document also emphasizes that the US government intends to isolate the Moscow administration from the world community by turning concerns such as food and energy security into propaganda material. In this context, the US will concentrate on restricting Russia’s actions in many locations, particularly in Central Asia and the Arctic. It will also come as no surprise that several operations aimed at destroying Russia from the inside are being planned.


[1] “National Security Strategy”, White House, https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/Biden-Harris-Administrations-National-Security-Strategy-10.2022.pdf, (Date of Accession:14.10.2022).

[2] “National Security Strategy”, op. cit., p. 3.

[3] “National Security Strategy”, op. cit., p. 8.

[4] “National Security Strategy”, op. cit., p. 9.

[5] “National Security Strategy”, op. cit., p. 25.

[6] “National Security Strategy”, op. cit., p. 39.

[7] “National Security Strategy”, op. cit., p. 44.

[8] Ibid.

[9] Ibid.

[10] “National Security Strategy”, op. cit., p. 26.

[11] “National Security Strategy”, op. cit., p. 29.

[12] “National Security Strategy”, op. cit., p. 44.

Dr. Doğacan BAŞARAN
Dr. Doğacan BAŞARAN
Dr. Doğacan BAŞARAN, 2014 yılında Gazi Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü’nden mezun olmuştur. Yüksek lisans derecesini, 2017 yılında Giresun Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı’nda sunduğu ‘’Uluslararası Güç İlişkileri Bağlamında İkinci Dünya Savaşı Sonrası Hegemonik Mücadelelerin İncelenmesi’’ başlıklı teziyle almıştır. Doktora derecesini ise 2021 yılında Trakya Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı‘nda hazırladığı “İmparatorluk Düşüncesinin İran Dış Politikasına Yansımaları ve Milliyetçilik” başlıklı teziyle alan Başaran’ın başlıca çalışma alanları Uluslararası ilişkiler kuramları, Amerikan dış politikası, İran araştırmaları ve Afganistan çalışmalarıdır. Başaran iyi derecede İngilizce ve temel düzeyde Farsça bilmektedir.

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