Analysis

“The Forgotten Negotiation Table” in the Russia-Ukraine War: Will the Table in Istanbul Be Set Again?

The options emerging in the Russia-Ukraine war are delineated by either the reestablishment of a negotiation/peace table or the geographical and strategic expansion of the conflict.
The United States and Russia stand out as principal actors determining the trajectory of the process following the Alaska Summit.
Türkiye is prepared for the third round of negotiations in Istanbul; the peace table remains fully operational.

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Although the Russia-Ukraine War and the associated negotiation process have largely remained in the shadow of developments in the Middle East—particularly the Gaza/Palestine-Israel and Syria issues—the ongoing exchanges and claims between Russia, Europe, and NATO have once again drawn attention to the negotiation table. Otherwise, it seems inevitable that the crises along Russia’s Western and Southern borders, particularly in the Northern Countries-Baltics-Black Sea-Caucasus axis, could expand and deepen further. This scenario points directly to the new geopolitical environment desired by the “war lobby,” which seeks the continuation of this conflict.


Russia is clearly aware of this. As reported in recent news on Sputnik: “The Russian Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) is reportedly angered by the UK government’s long-standing efforts to inflict a strategic defeat on Russia failing, and is preparing a new provocation.”[i]


Thus, two possibilities emerge: either a negotiation/peace table will be established, or the geography and intensity of the war will continue to expand.
Under the current circumstances, the global community has largely lost hope for a return to peace in the Russia-Ukraine War, which is rapidly approaching its third year. The primary reason is that both Russia and Ukraine have largely lost the initiative, both in the context of the war and potential peace negotiations.


Moreover, the European Union—heavily affected by the war and increasingly anxious about seeing “Russian tanks” near its borders—remains a relatively powerless actor in this process. The United Kingdom, however, occupies a different position. Once again, it is seeking to act as a “balancer of the balance,” viewing this crisis/war as a strategic opportunity.


The Alaska Summit in the Negotiation Process: “Proceed or Pause?”
Consequently, the resolution of this deadlock could primarily involve the U.S. and Russia. Two approaches are possible here: the first involves normalizing relations between the U.S. and Russia and ending the war based on the resulting agreement or understanding. In this context, the “Alaska Summit” initiated under Trump—where Russia was given prominence—stands out as an important starting point and a potential turning point, albeit one without immediate follow-up. The second approach would return to the initial model, namely the Istanbul negotiation process. This also corresponds to Trump’s leverage against Putin, akin to returning to the pre-Alaska situation.


Russia is certainly aware of this as well. Kremlin statements confirm the point. On September 12, 2025, Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov stated: “Our negotiators have channels to communicate. However, we believe it is more accurate to say that a pause has been called for the time being.”[ii] In subsequent days, Putin expressed openness to negotiations and emphasized hopes that the process would continue in cooperation with the U.S., particularly with President Trump.[iii]


These statements undoubtedly carry a message to third parties, including Türkiye: the implication being, “We are currently closed to negotiations outside the U.S.; we are not considering any address other than Moscow.”


Up to a point, the Kremlin’s position is not entirely unjustified. Prior to the Alaska Summit, Trump’s stance appeared to develop an initiative with Putin in the Russia-Ukraine War, seemingly excluding Ukraine and Europe. The Summit took place within this atmosphere. It is highly likely that a new phase with greater clarity between the U.S. and Russia was agreed upon in Moscow. Within this framework, a ceasefire process more favorable to Russia and the associated conditions were clarified. Trump reportedly discussed this with Ukrainian President Zelensky and European leaders at the White House.
However, the subsequent follow-up in the Oval Office did not materialize. Currently, Russia and Ukraine—both unwilling to compromise on their positions—have escalated preparations for a protracted war, leading to intensified clashes.


From Alaska to the Paper Tiger…
Here, the Kremlin has overlooked a critical point: it remains fixated on the Alaska Summit, yet much has transpired since then. Milestones for a new phase are being established, and at this stage, the positions of both countries as outlined at the Alaska Summit have become more ambiguous.


It is enough to recall Trump’s assessment of the SCO Summit in China and the leaders’ photo in Tianjin, as well as the recent meetings between Erdoğan and Trump under the shadow of the “TRÇ Alliance” narrative. The European factor and other aspects are, in my view, secondary. While Russia attempted to raise the stakes via the Alaska Summit, Trump has increasingly felt compelled to apply brakes in light of recent developments.


Trump now approaches Putin’s Moscow invitation more cautiously. While he had previously given Russia the green light on Ukraine, he now appears to be pursuing a strategy aimed at further weakening Russia. By shifting the focus back toward Ukraine and Europe, Trump seems to be attempting to steer Putin toward a negotiation/peace process under conditions more favorable to the U.S., ultimately aiming for normalization with Washington.
For this reason, Trump now advocates a direct meeting between Zelensky and Putin and has expressed willingness to participate if desired. Previously, Trump had effectively sidelined Zelensky. This time, the stakes have been raised by Trump, and it appears that Moscow is no longer a likely stop on Air Force One’s route.


The “Istanbul Summit” Is Inevitable: The Peace Table Remains Ready
Given these dynamics, the Kremlin’s pause in negotiations requires careful consideration regarding its feasibility and sustainability. Currently, the initiative to restart the negotiation process seems largely in the Kremlin’s hands. Putin has repeatedly stated that the “strategic initiative lies with the Russian army.”[iv] Yet tomorrow, circumstances could shift dramatically, and even if Moscow wishes to proceed—and Türkiye makes significant efforts—the negotiation/peace table may not be easily established.

For this reason, Türkiye’s persistent approach from the outset—to facilitate the cessation of the conflict between the two states—gains renewed significance. In this context, the announcement by Russian President Vladimir Putin that Russia is ready to conduct the third round of negotiations with Ukraine in Istanbul assumes particular importance. Ukraine has repeatedly confirmed its readiness for talks in Istanbul, while a significant portion of the U.S. and European countries support the resumption of negotiations. Türkiye also continues to assert its desire to be actively involved in this process.[v] Türkiye is ready; the negotiation/peace table in Istanbul remains set.


[i] “Rus istihbaratı: Rusya’ya stratejik yenilgi yaşatmakta başarısız olan Londra, yeni bir provokasyon hazırlıyor”, Sputnik Türkiye, https://x.com/sputnik_TR/status/1975180488777363796, (Date of Access: 07.10.2025)

[ii] “Kremlin: Rusya-Ukrayna barış görüşmelerine ara verildi”, Independent Türkçe, https://www.indyturk.com/node/764718/haber/kremlin-rusya-ukrayna-bar%C4%B1%C5%9F-g%C3%B6r%C3%BC%C5%9Fmelerine-ara-verildi, (Date of Access: 07.10.2025)

[iii]  “Trump: “Türkiye, Zelenskiy ile Putin’i Müzakere Masasına Oturtabilir”, UKR Haber,https://www.ukrhaber.com/blog/trump-turkiye-zelenskiy-ile-putini-muzakere-masasina-oturtabilir/, (Date of Access: 07.10.2025)

[iv] “Stratejik inisiyatif Rus ordusunda”, Habertürk, https://www.haberturk.com/stratejik-inisiyatif-rus-ordusunda-3828392, (Date of Access: 07.10.2025)

[v] “Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan, Rusya Devlet Başkanı Putin’le telefonda görüştü”, AA, https://www.aa.com.tr/tr/politika/cumhurbaskani-erdogan-rusya-devlet-baskani-putin-ile-telefonda-gorustu/3710154, (Date of Access: 07.10.2025)

Prof. Dr. Mehmet Seyfettin EROL
Prof. Dr. Mehmet Seyfettin EROL
Born in 1969, Dörtyol-Hatay, Prof. Dr. Mehmet Seyfettin Erol graduated from Boğaziçi University (BU), Department of Political Science and International Relations in 1993. After completing his master's degree at BU in 1995, Erol was accepted to the PhD program at BU in the same year. After completing his PhD at Ankara University in 2005, Erol became an associate professor in the field of “International Relations” in 2009 and a professor in 2014. Erol worked at the Eurasian Center for Strategic Studies (ASAM) between 2000 and 2006 and and served as the General Coordinator of ASAM for a period. In 2009, he served as also Founding Chairman and Board Member of the Institute for Strategic Thinking (SDE). He is also the Founding President of the Center for International Strategy and Security Studies (USGAM) and the President of the International Relations Institute of the New Türkiye Strategic Research Center (YTSAM). Prof. Erol has also served as the Director of Gazi University Strategic Research Center (GAZISAM). In 2007, Prof. Erol received the “Turkish World Service Award” from the Writers and Artists Foundation of the Turkic World (TÜRKSAV), and has received numerous awards for his academic work and his activities in the media. Some of them can be listed as follows: 2013 “Print Media of the Year Award” by the Association of Contemporary Democrats, 2015 “APM 10th Year Service Award”, “2015 Press-Intellectual of the Year Award” by the Writers' Union of Türkiye (YTB), “2016 Volunteer Ambassadors Media Honor Award” by the Anatolian Village Guards and Martyrs' Families, “2016 Türkiye Honor Award” by the Yoruk Turkmen Federations. Prof. Erol has 15 book studies. The names of some of them are as follows: “The United States of Turks from Dream to Reality”, “Türkiye-EU Relations: Foreign Policy and Internal Structure Problems”, “The New Great Game in Eurasia”, “The Search for Strategy in Turkish Foreign Policy”, “The Search for Security in Turkish Foreign Policy”, “The Republic of Türkiye-Russian Federation Relations”, “The Cold Organization of Hot Peace: The New NATO”, “Theoretical Approaches in Foreign Policy Analysis: The Case of Turkish Foreign Policy”, “Crises and Crisis Management: Actors and Case Studies”, “Kazakhstan” and “Current Issues in International Relations”. Since 2002, Prof. Erol, who has carried out radio programs such as “Eurasia Agenda”, “Strategic Perspective”, “Global Perspective”, “Analysis”, “File”, “News Desk”, “The Other Side of the Agenda” on TRT Türkiye's voice and TRT Radio 1 (Ankara Radio), made the programs “Arayış” on TRT INT television between 2004-2007, “Beyond the Border” on Kanal A television between 2007-2010 and “Foreign Policy Agenda” on BBN TÜRK television in 2020-2021. Prof. Erol, whose foreign policy column “Arayış” was published in Milli Gazete between 2012-2018, is consulted for his expertise in numerous national and international media outlets such as television, radio, newspapers, news websites and magazines. Prof. Erol, who also taught at Gazi University Department of International Relations and Ankara University Latin American Studies Center (LAMER) between 2006-2018, has been continuing his academic career as a faculty member at Ankara Hacı Bayram Veli University Department of International Relations since 2018. Since 2006, Prof. Erol has also taught in the Department of Political Science and International Relations at Ufuk University. The main areas of interest and expertise of Prof. Erol and the titles of his courses at the undergraduate, master's and doctoral levels in this area are as follows: “Geopolitics”, “Security”, “Intelligence”, “Crisis Management”, “Current Issues in International Relations”, “Turkish Foreign Policy”, “Russian Foreign Policy”, “US Foreign Policy” and “Central Asia and South Asia”. Prof. Erol, whose articles-evaluations have been published in many journals and newspapers, has been editor of academic journals such as “Eurasia File”, “Strategic Analysis”, “Strategic Thinking”, “Gazi Regional Studies”, “The Journal of SSPS”, “Black Sea Studies”. He is currently in the editorial boards of “Regional Studies,” “International Crisis and Political Research,” “Gazi Academic View”, “Ege University Turkish World Surveys”, “Ankara International Social Sciences”, “Democracy Platform”. Prof. Erol, who has been working as the Founding President of the Ankara Center for Crisis and Political Studies (ANKASAM) since 2016, is married and has three children.

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