Georgia’s local elections on October 4, 2025, were a critical turning point, affecting not only the country’s domestic politics but also the regional and global balances of power. The national interest-based balance policy, which the Georgian Dream Party (GD) resolutely pursues, has once again been endorsed by the people with the election results. The election process, which is carefully monitored by global actors such as Moscow, Beijing, Washington, and Brussels, has tested Georgia’s independent decision-making capacity.
Georgia successfully maintains the understanding of “regionalism centered on national interest”, which aims to develop cautious cooperation with Russia and China at the same time while maintaining its economic relations with the European Union (EU). This balance, despite the political pressures from the West, has expanded the country’s sphere of sovereignty and allowed it to develop an autonomous identity in its foreign policy. The fact that the United States did not force Georgia to “sharply confront” China and Moscow reinforced the determination of the Tbilisi administration to maintain its independent maneuvering space.
The electoral process has been shaped within a framework in which the Western-backed opposition pushes the boundaries of democratic legitimacy, while the GD protects constitutional order and social stability. The suspension of the EU membership process following the disputed parliamentary elections in 2024 has been abused and criticized by opposition circles. However, the GD government has maintained its goal of strengthening state institutions and protecting political sovereignty against foreign interference. The withdrawal of the OSCE observation mission and the fact that some Western media outlets covered the elections with a “pre-judgmental” attitude were part of this manipulative atmosphere.[i] The decision of eight opposition parties to boycott was seen as an act that weakened democracy instead of strengthening it, and the vast majority of the people rejected this radical boycott and went to the polls.
The election results in Batumi have revealed a clear preference among the people for stability. GD candidate Giorgi Tsintsadze won a big victory with 80.55 percent of the vote; the elections were held peacefully, transparently, and with high participation.[ii] Batumi 79. There were no violations in the elections, and more than 60 thousand voters freely expressed their will at the ballot box, as stated by the Chairman of the Regional Commission Zviad Surmanidze.
Georgian Parliament Speaker Shalva Papuashvili emphasizes that “Democracy is not that the minority rules the majority, but that the will of the majority is decisive”, [iii] which reflects the basis of the GD’s understanding of democratic legitimacy. This statement, beyond the discourse of “pluralism” that is often used in the West, advocates a model of democracy based on the sovereign national will. Georgian society has clearly confirmed this will in the 2025 elections, rejecting the unsystematic rhetoric of the foreign-backed opposition.
On the contrary, the calls of the opposition circles for a “revolution” and the violent actions of pro-Western radical elements have targeted the democratic stability in Georgia. The statement by opposition politician Murtaz Zodelava that “the revolution process has begun” [iv]suggests that pro-Western circles, which have been refusing to accept the election results, are becoming increasingly radicalized. This discourse stands out as a clear example of an effort to drag Georgia back into a chaotic period similar to the Rose Revolution of 2003, which replaced democratic competition with street movements.
GD candidate Kahha Kaladze was elected mayor of Tbilisi for the third time, garnering 71.6 percent of the vote,[v] which reflected the people’s preference for stability and continuity. Despite this, the demonstrations on election night turned violent with Western-backed incitement. The illegal actions carried out in front of the Presidential Palace have strengthened the government’s determination to “protect the constitutional order”.[vi] Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze accused the EU Ambassador to Tbilisi, Pavel Hercinski, of “encouraging the overthrow of the constitutional order”,[vii]which can be considered a concrete indicator of foreign interference. According to the Georgian Ministry of Internal Affairs, 14 police officers were injured, and the events are being investigated on charges of “changing the constitutional order by force” and “occupation of strategic facilities”.[viii] As reported by Deutsche Welle, the attempt to enter the Presidential Palace has shown that the opposition has crossed democratic boundaries.[ix]
After the October 4 elections, the GD came first with more than 80 percent of the votes nationwide, while pro-EU circles have brought the rhetoric of “democratic regression” back onto the agenda.[x] This discourse is actually a Western strategy aimed at discrediting Georgia’s independent political stance, because while the West expects Tbilisi to become a fully dependent ally, the GD government is acting with the reflexes of a sovereign state. The fact that figures such as Paata Burçuladze called the masses to the streets under the name of “European future” has been an indicator recalling the local reflections of the “color revolution” strategies of the West.
The GD’s victory in the 2025 local elections can be read not only as a political gain but also as a reaffirmation of institutional stability in Georgia’s long-term nationalization process. The “balanced diplomacy” carried out by the GD in foreign policy has shifted the country away from unipolar dependence and toward a multifaceted cooperation system. This approach has created a new orientation that centers Georgia’s national interests against the conditional support policies of the West. In particular, the perception of the normative criteria imposed by the EU during the accession process as interference in the field of sovereignty contributed to the GD’s consolidation of the image of “independent Georgia” among the people.
The rhetoric of the radical pro-Western opposition, on the other hand, harbors the danger of external dependence, which could ultimately damage the social fabric of Georgia. The mobilization calls made through the discourses of “democracy” and “European future” are actually aimed at weakening the legitimate will of the people and dragging the stable administration into chaos. The rhetoric of the opposition leaders in the form of “the revolutionary process has started” has clearly transformed political competition into street radicalism by removing it from democratic channels. This situation has the potential to leave Georgia facing the risks of economic stagnation, foreign intervention, and institutional fragmentation experienced after the Rose Revolution of 2003 again. The GD’s resolute stance against such provocations with harsh and legal measures has guaranteed the sustainability of the state authority.
In the medium and long term, the success of the GD is expected to strengthen the country’s independent decision-making capacity. The GD’s ability to maintain constructive dialogue with the West and maintain relations based on mutual interests with regional actors such as Russia and China can put Georgia in a strategic “balancing power” position in the South Caucasus. However, if the pro-Western opposition blocs continue their attempts to interfere in domestic politics through EU-funded campaigns, the Tbilisi administration will regard this process as an “erosion of sovereignty” and will defend the principle of political autonomy more assertively. In this respect, the 2025 elections are not merely an assessment of the past but also an indicator of what kind of state architecture Georgia will build in the future: a fragile country unconditionally dependent on the West, or an actor that prioritizes its own interests and serves as a guarantor of regional stability. The Georgian society has clearly made its preference in the second direction.
As a result, the local elections on 4 October 2025 have been recorded as a historical turning point that redefines both the internal political balances and the foreign policy orientation of Georgia. The superiority achieved by the GD reflected a clear preference of the people for stability, national sovereignty, and the will to make independent decisions. These elections have shown that Georgia has adopted a “geopolitical autonomy model” based on its own national interests, rejecting the Western understanding of guiding guardianship. The balanced diplomacy pursued by the GD keeps the country in constructive dialogue with regional actors such as Moscow and Beijing, as well as maintaining cooperation with the European Union and the United States on the basis of mutual interests. On the other hand, the provocative rhetoric of the Western-backed opposition, based on the “color revolution” strategy, has not found legitimacy among the people; the state’s determination to protect the constitutional order has strengthened the country’s stability. Therefore, the 2025 elections have demonstrated that the future state architecture of Georgia will be based on the principles of national sovereignty, stability, and regional balance, rather than Western-centered orientations.
[i] “Backgrounder: Georgia’s October 4 Half-Elections”, Civil Georgia, https://civil.ge/archives/703036, (Access Date: 04.10.2025).
[ii] “Batumis saolko saarchevno komissiis tavmjdomaris gantskhadebit, sakrebuloshi barieri otkhma politikurma partiam gadalakha”, Interpressnews, https://www.interpressnews.ge/ka/article/850912-batumis-saolko-saarchevno-komisiis-tavmjdomaris-gancxadebit-sakrebuloshi-barieri-otxma-politikurma-partiam-gadalaxa, (Access Date: 04.10.2025).
[iii] “Shalva Papuashvili – Dghes qvela utskhoelistvis, romelmats sharshan, antidemokratiuli gzebit sakutari virtualuri sakartvelos shekmna ganizrakha, aris shansi kidev dapikrdnen sakutar kmedebebze, aghiaron demokratiuli archevnebi”, Interpressnews, https://www.interpressnews.ge/ka/article/850771-shalva-papuashvili-dges-qvela-ucxoelistvis-romelmac-sharshan-antidemokratiuli-gzebit-sakutari-virtualuri-sakartvelos-shekmna-ganizraxa-aris-shansi-kidev-dapikrdnen-sakutar-kmedebebze-agiaron-demokratiuli-archevnebi , (Access Date: 04.10.2025).
[iv] “Murtaz Zodelava – Paata burchuladzes mis asakshi rats sheedzlo, bolomde chado protsesshi – sakartveloshi daitsqo revolutsia, akhla schirdeba ramdenimedghiani brdzola”, Interpressnews, https://www.interpressnews.ge/ka/article/850916-murtaz-zodelava-paata-burchulazes-mis-asakshi-rac-sheezlo-bolomde-chado-processhi-sakartveloshi-daicqo-revolucia-axla-schirdeba-ramdenimedgiani-brzola, (Access Date: 04.10.2025).
[v] “TSIK Gruzii: kandidat v mery Tbilisi Kakha Kaladze nabirayet 71,6% golosov”, TASS, https://tass.ru/mezhdunarodnaya-panorama/25252395, (Access Date: 04.10.2025).
[vi] “Riot police clash with protesters at Georgian palace amid election turmoil”, India Today, https://www.indiatoday.in/world/story/riot-police-clash-with-protesters-outside-georgian-presidential-palace-amid-election-unrest-glbs-2797829-2025-10-05, (Access Date: 04.10.2025).
[vii] “Premier Gruzii vozlozhil otvetstvennost za besporyadki v Tbilisi na posla YES”, TASS, https://tass.ru/mezhdunarodnaya-panorama/25252379, (Access Date: 04.10.2025).
[viii] “Gensek pravyashchey partii Gruzii nazval besporyadki v Tbilisi popytkoy gosperevorota”, Novosti, https://news.mail.ru/politics/68179111 /, (Access Date: 04.10.2025).
[ix] Vladimir Begunkov, “V Tbilisi v den vyborov shturmovali dvorets presidenta”, DW, https://www.dw.com/ru/v-tbilisi-pytalis-sturmovat-prezidentskij-dvorec-v-den-vyborov/a-74237385, (Access Date: 04.10.2025).
[x] “Georgia heads to municipal elections amid partial opposition boycott”, Euronews, https://www.euronews.com/my-europe/2025/10/03/georgia-heads-to-municipal-elections-amid-partial-opposition-boycott, (Access Date: 04.10.2025).
