Arctic Geopolitics in the Biden Administration’s National Security Strategy

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The new National Security Strategy, signed by Joe Biden, President of the United States of America (US), was published on the White House website on 12 October 2022.[1] This document includes a special section for Arctic geopolitics, which is regarded as one of the new playgrounds of the global power struggle; thus, the Washington administration revealed the importance it attaches to this region. For this reason, the National Security Strategy sheds light on the US Arctic policy.

As is known, the Arctic Region is a geography that stands out, considering its rich underground resources and the formation of new trade routes with the melting of glaciers at the North Pole due to global warming. With the operation of the Arctic route, the distance travelled between Asia and Europe on the Indian Ocean-Red Sea-Suez Canal-Mediterranean Sea-Gibraltar route is expected to decrease significantly.[2] Various projections for lines such as the Northern Sea Route, the Northwest Passage, the Transpolar Sea Route, and the Arctic Bridge are being developed in the region.[3] Among these, the Polar Silk Road, which China envisages using the routes mentioned, and Russia’s Northern Sea Route initiatives are the most remarkable ones. Undoubtedly, Moscow and Beijing’s strategies are closely tracked by Washington, which wants to keep global trade routes under control.

It can be seen that new waterways formed in the poles due to global warming bring about the close attention of the regional states and global actors to this region. The open support of the US for Sweden and Finland’s accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is caused by the fact that the Washington administration on a small scale, and NATO on a larger scale, seek an “Arctic Expansion”, and wish to influence the region. Thus, it is not just the Baltics that are concerned. It is closely linked to the developments related to Arctic geopolitics, including the poles.

Within this scope, in the document published by the Biden administration, it is emphasized that the peaceful structure of the Arctic should be preserved. The text states that “The US seeks an Arctic region that is peaceful, stable, prosperous, and cooperative.”[4]

In this sense, the document states that the actions of China, which is an actor outside the region, prevent cooperation in the Arctic region and increase the risks of conflict. It is also stated in the text that the Russia-Ukraine War has made cooperating at the Northern Pole compulsory.[5] Therefore, the Washington administration regards Russia and China as their main competitors in Arctic geopolitics. In this sense, the US aims to effectively benefit from most particularly the Russia-based threat perceptions of the regional states. In other words, the irredentist policies of the Moscow administration paradoxically led to an increase in Western influence in the Arctic, which is near Russia.

Considering these threats, the White House described the presence of the US in Arctic geopolitics as a need and stated that this presence should be deepened by busing relations with the allied states, especially the members of the Arctic Council.

In addition, the document emphasizes that military exercises in the region are of great importance to combating threats originating from Russia and China and ensuring navigation security.[6] At this point, it can be said that the Washington administration aims to establish NATO bases in the region through the NATO accessions of Sweden and Finland. Indeed, it is clearly emphasized in the document that the US supports the accession of these states.[7]

On the other hand, the military cooperation agreement signed on 16 October 2022 by the US with Sweden, which has ongoing disputes over its possible NATO membership, is a development that should not be ignored. Because this agreement reveals that the Washington administration does not want to leave anything to chance in its Arctic policy.[8] In other words, the US found it rational to provide some security guarantees to ensure that if an obstacle occurs in Sweden’s NATO membership, it would not affect Stockholm’s geopolitical preferences and orientations. Therefore, it can be argued that the US focuses on increasing its military presence in the region.

In addition to all these, the Washington administration points out that the Arctic Region has important opportunities, and calls for an increase in the ice-breaking capacity of the ships operating in the region. This indicates that the US wants to improve its technological cooperation with the regional states through various fields, especially icebreaking ship technology.

To make an overall assessment, it should be emphasized that the Washington administration already has alliance relations with Denmark, Iceland, Canada, and Norway since they are members of NATO. At this stage, Finland seems likely to join the countries before. Although Sweden’s membership may be protracted, the Biden administration takes preliminary steps to eliminate possible risks and seeks to deepen alliance relations in the Arctic, as can be seen from the agreement.

As a result, the US is the top country that wants to increase its influence in the Arctic geopolitics, where the great powers are focused, with the new trade routes formed parallel to global warming. The Washington administration aims to limit the influence of Moscow and Beijing in the Arctic geography through moves such as increasing its military presence in the region and supporting the NATO memberships of the regional states. Undoubtedly, this policy overlaps to restrict Russia and China at the global level, which is the main focus of the National Security Strategy Document. In this regard, the US seeks to achieve its goals by transforming Arctic geopolitics into NATO’s sphere of influence. The document tabled on 12 October 2022 is significant in terms of revealing the methods of this aim.


[1] “National Security Strategy”, The White House, https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/Biden-Harris-Administrations-National-Security-Strategy-10.2022.pdf, (Date of Accession: 19.10.2022).

[2] Ferhan Oral, “İklim Değişikliğinin Küresel Deniz Ticaretine Etkileri”, ANKASAM, https://www.ankasam.org/iklim-degisikliginin-kuresel-deniz-ticaretine-etkileri/, (Date of Accession: 19.10.2022).

[3] Oral, op. cit.

[4] “National Security Strategy”, op. cit., p. 44.

[5] “National Security Strategy”, op. cit., pp. 44-45.

[6] Ibid.

[7] “National Security Strategy”, op. cit,. p. 2.

[8] “US Signs Military Cooperation Agreement with Sweden”, Press Tv, https://www.presstv.ir/Detail/2022/10/16/691046/US-signs-military-cooperation-agreement-with-Sweden-, (Date of Accession: 19.10.2022).

Dr. Doğacan BAŞARAN
Dr. Doğacan BAŞARAN
Dr. Doğacan BAŞARAN, 2014 yılında Gazi Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü’nden mezun olmuştur. Yüksek lisans derecesini, 2017 yılında Giresun Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı’nda sunduğu ‘’Uluslararası Güç İlişkileri Bağlamında İkinci Dünya Savaşı Sonrası Hegemonik Mücadelelerin İncelenmesi’’ başlıklı teziyle almıştır. Doktora derecesini ise 2021 yılında Trakya Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı‘nda hazırladığı “İmparatorluk Düşüncesinin İran Dış Politikasına Yansımaları ve Milliyetçilik” başlıklı teziyle alan Başaran’ın başlıca çalışma alanları Uluslararası ilişkiler kuramları, Amerikan dış politikası, İran araştırmaları ve Afganistan çalışmalarıdır. Başaran iyi derecede İngilizce ve temel düzeyde Farsça bilmektedir.

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