Analysis

2026 Hungarian Elections and Orbán’s Politics

There has been a clear divergence in Hungary's relations with the EU, particularly in the areas of energy and war policies.
The 2026 Hungarian parliamentary elections are not merely a reflection of internal political competition.
Over the past five years, under Orbán's leadership, Hungary has adopted a more pragmatic and sometimes confrontational stance in its relations with the West.

Paylaş

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The last decade in European politics has emerged as a period in which liberal democratic norms have been questioned, discourses of national sovereignty have gained momentum, and populist forms of leadership have become entrenched. This transformation has become a fundamental dynamic determining the trajectory of political regimes not only in Western Europe but also in Central and Eastern European countries. As one of the most striking examples of this process, Hungary, under the leadership of Viktor Orbán, stands as a country that has effectively introduced the concept of ‘illiberal democracy’ into political literature.

The parliamentary elections to be held in April 2026 represent more than a mere struggle for power; they constitute a critical juncture that reopens the debate on the sustainability of Orbán’s governance, spanning over sixteen years, and Hungary’s position within Europe. The primary issues contested in this election are the War in Ukraine and relations with the EU, economic uncertainties, political polarization, and rising tensions over democratic norms. Consequently, the campaign process no longer reflects a traditional rivalry between parties but reveals a political competition intertwined with national identity, the discourse of sovereignty, and global political dynamics. In this context, approaching the 2026 electoral process requires a simultaneous reading of Viktor Orbán’s political practice over the last five years, the role of international actors, and the geopolitical orientations of Hungarian society.

This election is being contested between the ruling Fidesz/Christian Democrats coalition, led by Viktor Orbán, and its primary challenger, the center-right Tisza Party, led by Péter Magyar. Beyond domestic political balances, this election has also triggered broader themes within European politics. Regarding Ukraine and the EU, the Tisza Party adopts more moderate, pro-EU stances. In contrast, Prime Minister Viktor Orbán traditionally pursues a foreign policy line that decouples Hungary from the EU’s collective perspective. This trajectory is characterized by a discourse that presents Ukraine as a ‘threat’ to both the country and Europe. For instance, in a statement made on February 7, 2026, Orbán characterized Ukraine as an ‘enemy’.[1] This approach can be interpreted as a continuation of Orbán’s long-standing historical stance on European policies, as he portrays Ukraine as an actor whose military and economic cooperation detrimental to Hungary’s interests. Such provocations have become an integral part of Budapest’s divergence from collective decision-making processes within the EU.[2] 

This foreign policy stance also illustrates how Orbán has shaped his relations with the West in recent years. A distinct divergence has emerged in Hungary’s relations with the EU, particularly in the realms of energy and war policies: the government has advocated for the necessity of maintaining dependence on Russian energy resources, claiming that sanctions would be detrimental to the Hungarian economy. This position has not only undermined solidarity within the EU but has also narrowed Budapest’s strategic and diplomatic bargaining power within the bloc.

Another notable element regarding the international dimension of this campaign is the reflection of US domestic politics on the Hungarian elections. The overt support extended by President Donald Trump to Viktor Orbán ahead of the 2026 elections demonstrates that the campaign resonates within a global arena. Trump has praised Orbán as a ‘strong and effective leader’ and has reaffirmed his support for him in the upcoming Hungarian elections.[3] This indicates that Orbán’s policies find resonance not only within Europe but also across global right-wing alliances.

This global dimension is not limited solely to the support originating from the US; a visit to Hungary by US Secretary of State Marco Rubio is also planned during the campaign period. This visit has been interpreted as a demonstration of official Washington’s stance on Hungarian politics and the delicate balances within NATO-EU relations.[4] This is not merely an indicator of external interest in the election; it also demonstrates how central Budapest’s position has become in the process of redefining transatlantic relations in 2026.

This portrait created by Hungarian politics both domestically and abroad is a consequence of Viktor Orbán’s strategies for remaining in power since 2010. Orbán has maintained power with an absolute majority for a long period, implementing reforms that consolidate executive power in areas such as judicial and media independence. Following his supermajority in 2010, the new constitution and structural political changes have increased the party’s influence over the state apparatus.[5] This process has led to conflicts with the EU regarding liberal democratic norms and the rule of law; consequently, the EU has imposed serious sanctions on Hungary over issues of corruption and the rule of law. This has led to long-term tension in the country’s relations with the EU.

Over the past five years, under Orbán’s leadership, Hungary has adopted a more pragmatic and sometimes confrontational stance in its relations with the West. Budapest’s efforts to preserve its relations with Moscow since the start of the Ukraine War have influenced many strategic decisions within the EU, overshadowed by the energy crisis in Europe. Orbán has characterized EU policies supporting Ukraine as factors contributing to the continuation of the war, using this approach as a geopolitical touch in his election campaign.

Orbán’s foreign policy stance has not been limited to criticizing EU policies. It has also been reinforced by his ideological affinity with Trump’s political line in the US. Trump’s claim that a more “peaceful” approach would be adopted in resolving the conflict and Orbán’s explicit support for this have turned Budapest’s relations with Washington into an ideological playground.[6] The saying that Donald Trump’s re-election as US President will force Europe to reassess its Ukraine policy has been included by Orbán as part of his campaign strategy.

In the economic context, Orbán’s administration has also gone through a controversial period in recent years. The government faced criticism over high budget deficits and fiscal discipline in the run-up to the elections. Rising public spending and a lack of fiscal consolidation have increased economic vulnerabilities, while the opposition is attempting to strengthen its campaign on this issue.[7] This determines the election route not only in terms of political rhetoric, but also in terms of voters’ daily living conditions. The opposition’s strategy includes a comprehensive thesis prepared by the Tisza Party, covering goals such as fiscal reforms, improving relations with the EU, and combating corruption.[8] The party also promises pro-European policies such as the release of EU funds and a clear target date for transition to the euro. This represents a striking ideological split between a relatively classic center-right program and Orbán’s nationalist rhetoric.

Ultimately, the 2026 Hungarian Parliamentary Elections are not merely a reflection of domestic political competition. They can also be seen as a cross-section of international geopolitical tensions, a test of the resilience of democratic institutions, and the spheres of influence of global actors. The tension between Orbán’s nationalist and anti-Ukraine campaign, Trump’s support, and the opposition’s pro-EU program has the potential to determine Hungary’s role in Europe and its future foreign policy orientation. In short, this election can be considered a pivotal event that will determine both Hungary’s future direction and the democratic and strategic balances within Europe.

[1] “Orbán calls Ukraine Hungary’s enemy”, Pravda, https://www.pravda.com.ua/eng/news/2026/02/07/8019907/, (Access Date: 13.02.2026).

[2] Sandor Zsiros, “Hungarian election campaign enters hot phase with Ukranie, the EU and Trump in focus”, Euronews, https://www.euronews.com/my-europe/2026/02/09/hungarian-election-campaign-enters-hot-phase-with-ukraine-the-eu-and-trump-in-focus, (Access Date: 09.02.2026).

[3] “Trump endorses Prime Minister Viktor Orban for Hungary’S April election”, Al Jazeera, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/2/5/trump-endorses-prime-minister-viktor-orban-for-hungarys-april-election, (Access Date: 09.02.2026).

[4] Ketrin Jochecová, “Rubio to visit Hungary as it speeds toward closely fought election”, Politico, https://www.politico.eu/article/marco-rubio-us-visit-hungary-as-country-nears-towards-election/, (Access Date: 10.02.2026).

[5] Ibid.

[6] Burak Bir, “Hungary summos Ukrainian ambassador over alleged ‘election interference’”, Anadolu Ajansı, https://www.aa.com.tr/en/europe/hungary-summons-ukrainian-ambassador-over-alleged-election-interference/3812386, (Access Date: 09.02.2026).

[7] “Hungary’s Orban flags fourth year of %5 deficit as election spending bites”, Reuters, https://www.reuters.com/business/hungarys-deficit-be-around-5-gdp-this-year-next-orban-says-2026-02-06/ (Access Date: 10.02.2026).

[8] “Hungary’s opposition Tisza promises wealth tax, euro adoption in election programme”, Reuters, https://www.reuters.com/business/hungarys-opposition-tisza-promises-wealth-tax-euro-adoption-election-programme-2026-02-07/, (Access Date: 10.02.2026).

Sena BİRİNCİ
Sena BİRİNCİ
Sena Birinci graduated from the International Relations Department at Ankara Hacı Bayram Veli University in 2024. She also completed a double major in Political Science and Public Administration. Currently, Sena is pursuing a master's degree in Political and Social Sciences at the same university. Her areas of interest include European politics, the European Union, and electoral politics. Sena is proficient in advanced English and has beginner-level skills in Russian.

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