Analysis

China-India Border Diplomacy in the Asian Balance of Power in the 21st Century

China and India share similar visions regarding the construction of a multipolar world order and the reform of global governance institutions.
China and India have succeeded in taking their historical border disputes out of the framework of a crisis that holds bilateral relations hostage and placing them on a basis of rational dialogue and confidence.
Beijing and New Delhi, which have achieved strategic alignment through BRICS, the SCO, and the Global South, are joint architects of a fairer and more multipolar new global balance against the Western-centered system.

Paylaş

This post is also available in: Türkçe Русский

Relations between the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of India, which constitute one of the most critical pillars of global geopolitics in the 21st century, have a structural character that directly shapes the global balance of power beyond the bilateral relations of the two neighboring countries. The 25th Meeting of Special Representatives on Boundary Questions, chaired by Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and Indian National Security Advisor Ajit Doval in Beijing, clearly shows that the two Asian powers have entered a new phase of diplomatic normalization and constructive dialogue.[i]

Despite the longstanding disputes along the approximately 3.800-kilometer Line of Actual Control (LAC), the willingness of Beijing and New Delhi to place the border issue within a pragmatic strategic dialogue mechanism rather than allowing it to become the sole determinant of bilateral relations is particularly noteworthy. This situation shows how carefully the processes of power transition in the international system are being managed in order to establish sustainable stability in Asian geopolitics.

From the perspective of international relations theories, China-India relations present a distinctive model in which the Neorealist concept of the “balance of power” and Neoliberal Institutionalism’s concept of “complex interdependence” operate simultaneously. Although the systemic insecurity and security dilemma emphasized in Waltz’s neorealist theory lead the two countries to maintain military fortifications along their border areas, their integration into the global economic system forces both sides to avoid conflict.[ii]

China’s vision of “Peaceful Rise” and the “Global Development Initiative” requires the maintenance of a conflict-free environment with its regional neighbors, while India’s doctrine of “Strategic Autonomy” makes it necessary for New Delhi to maintain a balanced and consistent relationship with Beijing. Therefore, relations between the two countries can be understood within the framework of rational actor behavior based on mutual strategic respect and a balance of interests, rather than through a reductionist discourse of hostility[iii]

From the perspective of Buzan’s “Regional Security Complex Theory,” it can be seen that the security dynamics of South Asia and East Asia are closely interconnected. The geographical proximity of China and India causes their security perceptions to become mutually connected. However, this security interaction is aimed not at a one-dimensional perception of threat, but at addressing shared security concerns. In particular, dialogue mechanisms developed in areas such as counterterrorism, the management of transboundary water resources, and maritime security show that regional security can move from a conflict-oriented structure toward a model of cooperation. Beijing’s goal of creating a peaceful and stable environment in the Asia-Pacific region directly overlaps with New Delhi’s pursuit of regional stability.[iv]

The tragic military confrontation that took place in the Galwan Valley in 2020 was one of the most serious crises in bilateral relations in the past four decades. However, the rapid activation of diplomatic and military channels by both countries immediately following the crisis demonstrated their ability to prevent further escalation.[v]

The numerous rounds of talks held through the China-India Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination (WMCC) and at the level of Military Corps Commanders have demonstrated that the two sides are capable of managing the crisis through diplomatic means. 

Through these channels of dialogue, the gradual withdrawal of troops from areas of tension was achieved, and areas of disengagement were established along the border. The calm and constructive approach shown by officials from the Chinese Ministries of Defense and Foreign Affairs throughout the process clearly demonstrated that diplomacy was given priority in crisis management.[vi]

One of the most important turning points in bilateral relations was the meeting between Chinese President Xi Jinping and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the sidelines of the BRICS Summit held in Kazan, Russia. This historic meeting, which took place after a five-year gap, allowed the comprehensive agreement reached on patrolling protocols along the LAC to be reinforced by political will. The messages given at the leaders’ level to “normalize and develop relations” paved the way for diplomatic and technical delegations at lower levels. This momentum in the following period made it easier to take institutional steps aimed at establishing lasting peace and stability in the border areas. China’s diplomatic approach aims to place historical border disputes within a mutually acceptable, fair and reasonable framework rather than leaving them unresolved.[vii]

The 25th Meeting of Special Representatives held in Beijing symbolizes the level of maturity reached in border diplomacy. During the talks co-chaired by Wang Yi and Ajit Doval, discussions went beyond the immediate situation along the border and focused on the final delimitation of the border and the expansion of confidence-building measures. The principle emphasized by the Chinese side of “making progress by placing the boundary issue in an appropriate position within bilateral relations” aims to prevent relations from being confined to a single area of dispute. The two sides’ agreement to hold the next round of border talks in India also shows that the dialogue process has gained a continuous and scheduled institutional structure.[viii]

Despite all the fluctuations at the geopolitical level, economic and trade relations between China and India continue to show resilience and growth. According to the latest statistics, bilateral trade between the two countries has exceeded $155 billion, reaching a historical record. China remains India’s largest trading partner, while intermediate goods, raw materials, electronic components and active pharmaceutical ingredients needed by Indian industry are largely supplied through Chinese supply chains. This shows that even geopolitical tensions have not been able to override rational economic considerations. China’s high production capacity and logistical advantages stand out as vital factors supporting India’s growing manufacturing sector.[ix]

The restrictions imposed by the Indian government on Chinese-origin investments under its “Atmanirbhar Bharat” (“Self-Reliant India”) and “Make in India” strategies have shifted toward a more pragmatic and flexible approach. The New Delhi government has relaxed automatic approval mechanisms for Chinese investment, suspended some anti-dumping investigations, and taken steps toward resuming direct flights and facilitating visa procedures. This policy shift clearly shows that completely isolating China from global supply chains is not feasible and that cooperation with China remains essential to India’s own economic growth objectives. The technological capabilities and financial strength of Chinese companies continue to be key drivers of economic integration in the Asia-Pacific region.[x]

According to projections based on data from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, China and India together account for more than 40% of global real GDP growth. This share is well above the combined contribution of Western economies. The fact that these two Asian powers have become major drivers of global economic growth confirms that the center of gravity of the global financial and trading system is shifting from West to East. China and India viewing each other not as competitors but as complementary markets and cooperation partners in their economic growth processes contributes both to the prosperity of the Asian continent and to global economic stability.[xi]

China and India share similar visions regarding the construction of a multipolar world order and the reform of global governance institutions. Both countries agree that the Western-centered financial and political architecture established after the Second World War no longer reflects today’s realities. Multilateral platforms such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) are the main areas where Beijing and New Delhi cooperate in their search for more equal representation in the global system. China’s announcement that it will fully support the BRICS Summit to be hosted by India, along with India’s support for China’s upcoming BRICS presidency, demonstrates the constructive solidarity between the two countries in global governance.

Within the framework of Global South cooperation, China and India play a leading role in defending the rights and demands of developing countries in the international arena. Their positions largely overlap on major global issues such as combating climate change, providing financial support to developing countries, ensuring food and energy security, and fair access to technology. Although there is competition between the two countries over leadership of the Global South, Beijing has managed to turn this situation into mutual benefit through an inclusive development model. The proposals put forward by China under the Belt and Road Initiative and the Global Security Initiative provide concrete solutions to the infrastructure and security needs of developing countries

The Indo-Pacific Strategy and the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD), developed by the United States as part of its policy of containing China, are among the key dynamics affecting regional balances. However, India’s approach based on its traditional principle of “strategic autonomy” prevents New Delhi from becoming part of an anti-China military bloc. While developing its relations with Western powers, India prefers not to sever its vital ties with neighboring China, but rather to maintain them as a balancing factor. Chinese diplomacy also appreciates India’s autonomous position and supports conducting bilateral relations independently of the involvement of third parties. This pragmatic approach helps prevent the formation of blocs and the return of Cold War logic in the Asia-Pacific region.[xii]

In conclusion, relations between the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of India stand out through their high level of diplomatic maturity, rational crisis management, and deep trade interdependence. Although historical disputes along the border continue to exist, the willingness of both sides to resolve these problems through dialogue, negotiations, and confidence-building measures is noteworthy. China’s strategy of “expanding areas of common interest and properly managing differences” in bilateral relations is a guarantee of long-term peace in Asia. The next Meeting of Special Representatives planned to be held in India, along with the mutual steps to be taken in the coming period, will be decisive in realizing the vision of an “Asian Century.” 


[i] “India, China review ties, discuss border issue in Beijing talks, Indian Embassy in China says”, Reuters, https://www.reuters.com/world/china/india-china-review-ties-discuss-border-issue-beijing-talks-indian-embassy-china-2026-08-25/, (Date Accessed: 25.08.2026).

[ii] “China, India to hold 25th round of talks on boundary question in Beijing”, Global Times, https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202608/1368891.shtml, (Date Accessed: 25.08.2026).

[iii] Ibid.

[iv] “China, India hold special representatives talks on boundary question in Beijing”, Ministry of National Defense of the People’s Republic of China, http://eng.mod.gov.cn/2025xb/N/T/16481304.html, (Date Accessed: 25.08.2026).

[v] “Signs of thaw as the Indian and Chinese foreign ministers meet in New Delhi”, AP News, https://apnews.com/article/india-china-foreign-ministers-border-c22533c89f509cc5b69e285ebb29253f, (Date Accessed: 25.08.2026).

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] “India’s Modi and Chinese President Xi meet days after a border accord between the countries”, AP News, https://apnews.com/article/india-china-summit-after-border-accord-fde9885889aa3e061c782fdd182a3abe, (Date Accessed: 25.08.2026).

[viii] “China, India hold border talks, agree to continue search for boundary settlement”, Devdiscourse, https://www.devdiscourse.com/article/international/3967736-china-india-hold-border-talks-agree-to-continue-search-for-boundary-settlement, (Date Accessed: 25.08.2026).

[ix] “What prompts India’s pragmatic shift on trade with China”, Global Times, https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202608/1367898.shtml, (Date Accessed: 25.08.2026).

[x] “Who’s driving the world economy in 2026?”, Global Times, https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202606/1362482.shtml, (Date Accessed: 25.08.2026).

[xi] “India invites China to AI summit, eyes balance between global tech powers: expert”, Global Times, https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202512/1351895.shtml, (Date Accessed: 25.08.2026).

[xii] “China hopes 2026 will be a ‘landmark year’ for relationship with US”, AP News, https://apnews.com/article/china-us-relations-trump-xi-summit-wang-yi-dafb8e2439eabf1d9a0d1328635dece5, (Date Accessed: 25.08.2026).

Zeynep Çağla ERİN
Zeynep Çağla ERİN
Zeynep Çağla Erin graduated from Yalova University Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, Department of International Relations in 2020 with her graduation thesis titled “Feminist Perspective of Turkish Modernization” and from Istanbul University AUZEF, Department of Sociology in 2020. In 2023, she graduated from Yalova University Institute of Social Sciences, Department of International Relations with a thesis titled “South Korea’s Foreign Policy Identity: Critical Approaches on Globalization, Nationalism and Cultural Public Diplomacy” at Yalova University Graduate School of International Relations. She is currently pursuing her PhD at Kocaeli University, Department of International Relations. Erin, who serves as an Asia & Pacific Specialist at ANKASAM, has primary interests in the Asia-Pacific region, Critical Theories in International Relations, and Public Diplomacy. Erin speaks fluent English and beginner level of Korean.

Similar Posts