The sudden influx of refugees in 2015 plunged the European Union (EU) into not only a humanitarian crisis, but also a political and identity crisis. While official rhetoric emphasized “humanitarian responsibility” and solidarity, actual practices reflected the opposite. On one hand, there was the Schengen area with its open borders, while on the other, there were barbed wire fences, border delays, and pushbacks against refugees. Although the EU has been successful in economic and legal integration, it has failed to create a common “European identity.” This deficiency, combined with the “not one of us” attitude toward refugees, has fueled extremism. Ultimately, the crisis has become a test of Europe’s own values.
At the heart of this crisis are not refugees, but the EU’s solidarity and values. Although the EU has a strong legal foundation, it has failed to build a common cultural-ideological super-identity. The concept of “Europeanism” is defined on paper as the rule of law and human rights, but these values have not been reflected in practice during the refugee crisis. Refugees from the Middle East and Africa have been excluded on the grounds that they do not fit the definition of “European.” In 2015, the EU did not implement the Temporary Protection Directive it had used for Ukrainians for refugees, but instead offered incentives to neighboring countries to stop the influx.[i]
Over this period, the question of “who counts as European” has emerged. Refugees and even some minority groups within the EU have faced exclusionary practices in social life. Many politicians and media outlets have framed refugees as foreigners who don’t fit into European culture. This perspective has manifested itself as a particular distrust of Muslim asylum seekers, and Islamophobic rhetoric has become widespread.
When more than a million refugees headed for the EU in 2015, existing mechanisms collapsed and the Dublin System became dysfunctional. Greece and Italy bore the brunt of this refugee influx alone.[ii] While these countries struggled to meet basic needs, other members failed to show solidarity. The solidarity expected from other EU members was almost non-existent. Except for Germany, which accepted several hundred thousand refugees, most countries avoided taking responsibility. The proposal for a mandatory quota system for refugee distribution faced resistance, particularly from Eastern European countries.
Some Central/Eastern European governments, notably Hungary and Poland, have insisted on not accepting any refugees, justifying their stance on the grounds of “national security.”[iii] Indeed, countries such as Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic have refused to implement the mandatory relocation quotas imposed by the EU, closing their borders at the cost of violating EU law. The debate over burden sharing has deepened the north-south and east-west divide. Southern members (especially Italy and Greece) have complained of being left alone, while eastern members have ignored the European Commission’s calls for solidarity. As a result, the EU has failed to present a united front in the refugee crisis, and the sense of “unity” has suffered a serious blow. The New Migration and Asylum Pact, adopted in 2024, imposed mandatory solidarity on member states.[iv] However, Poland and Hungary opposed this system as well, and the crisis clearly demonstrated the need to reform the EU’s current regulations.
The refugee crisis has given momentum to far-right movements in Europe. In Germany, the AfD has increased its share of the vote to 20% with anti-Islam and anti-immigration rhetoric. [v] The party’s success has been driven by the skillful translation of fear and anger over the influx of refugees into political discourse. The AfD has gained significant votes by presenting refugees as a threat to society’s security and order. Indeed, party leaders have frequently delivered populist messages equating immigrants with crime and terrorism, fueling the perception that “we are in danger.”
A similar rise has been observed in France. Led by Marine Le Pen, the National Rally (formerly FN) has expanded its base in recent years with its far-right rhetoric framing refugees and immigrants as a threat to French identity and security. The National Rally reached a potential vote share of over 40% by reaching the second round of the 2017 and 2022 presidential elections. Le Pen has presented immigration as a phenomenon that exploits the country’s economic resources and threatens national culture.
The far-right party “Brothers of Italy,” led by Giorgia Meloni, came to power in Italy by capitalizing on the refugee crisis. Meloni, who sees illegal immigration as a threat to the country’s security, became prime minister in the 2022 elections. The party has adopted anti-immigrant and nationalist rhetoric with the slogan “God, family, homeland,” which has led to harsh policies aimed at preventing irregular migration in the Mediterranean.[vi] As seen in “Italy, far-right parties across Europe have used the refugee crisis to increase their votes. This situation has overshadowed the European Union’s values of democracy and human rights, bringing identity and security rhetoric to the forefront.
The 2015 refugee crisis revealed a clear difference in attitude between Western European and Central-Eastern European countries within the EU. While Western European leaders emphasized humanitarian responsibility and integration, some Eastern European governments defined the crisis as a cultural and ideological threat. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán justified his country’s decision to erect barbed wire fences along its borders to prevent Muslim-majority migration as a mission to “protect Christian Europe” and transformed his anti-immigration rhetoric into institutional policy.[vii]Similarly, Polish President Andrzej Duda and the PiS government have rejected the admission of refugees from the Middle East and Africa on the grounds of national security and family values.[viii] Poland, which did not participate in the EU’s 2015 relocation plan and did not accept a single refugee, has increased border security in the face of the irregular migration crisis via Belarus and has made asylum applications virtually impossible by enacting strict immigration laws.
These policies have been supported by rhetoric about preserving a homogeneous Catholic structure and maintaining the social fabric. Hungary and Poland’s stance has led to serious divisions that undermine the spirit of solidarity within the EU. This process has strengthened far-right rhetoric and undermined the concept of “common European values,” calling into question the EU’s capacity for unity and cooperation. The rising nationalist-conservative movement in Eastern Europe has become an element that directly contradicts and challenges the EU’s fundamental principles of democracy, tolerance, and human rights.
As a result, the 2015 refugee crisis has become a “test of European identity” for the EU. Unfortunately, this test has highlighted division and exclusion rather than a sense of common unity. Instead of uniting around shared values in the face of the crisis, EU member states have turned to national interests and fears. Ultimately, the crisis has reinforced the deep divisions within the EU. On one side of this divide are those who have closed their doors to migrants, while on the other are those who have taken on responsibilities beyond their capacity. The failure to manage the refugee crisis has paved the way for the rise of the far right in the EU, threatening the union’s ideals of democracy and human rights.
As xenophobic and discriminatory policies gain ground across the region stretching from Berlin to Budapest, the spirit of solidarity that underpins European integration has been damaged. Nevertheless, there is a way out of this crisis for the EU. For this crisis to be resolved, the rhetoric of solidarity that remains on paper must be put into practice. EU countries must learn to take on shared responsibility by reviving the ideal of living together. It is of utmost importance that integration and inclusivity policies are implemented in a balanced manner with security concerns. If Europe can learn from this crisis and embark on building an identity and solidarity, it can strengthen the sense of unity. Otherwise, the ideal of integration will increasingly give way to European skepticism, posing a major threat to the EU. Europe’s ability to overcome the closed identity dilemma behind its open borders depends on its ability to apply its values even in times of crisis. Overcoming the refugee crisis will only be possible by remaining faithful to the EU’s common values, protecting people, and preserving its unity.
[i] Addie Esposito, “The Limitations of Humanity: Differential Refugee Treatment in the EU,” Harvard International Review, https://hir.harvard.edu/the-limitations-of-humanity-differential-refugee-treatment-in-the-eu/, (Date Accessed: 20.08.2025).
[ii] Claudia Postelnicescu, “Europe’s New Identity: The Refugee Crisis and the Rise of Nationalism,” Europe’s Journal of Psychology 12, no. 2 (31 May 2016): 203–209. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC4894286/, (Date Accessed: 20.08.2025).
[iii] “Poland, Hungary broke EU laws by refusing to host migrants: court adviser”, Reuters, https://www.reuters.com/article/world/poland-hungary-broke-eu-laws-by-refusing-to-host-migrants-court-adviser-idUSKBN1XA1S4/, (Date Accessed: 20.08.2025).
[iv] Jorge Liboreiro, “EU completes reform of migration rules despite Poland and Hungary voting against”, Euronews, https://www.euronews.com/my-europe/2024/05/14/eu-completes-reform-of-migration-rules-despite-poland-and-hungary-voting-against, (Date Accessed: 20.08.2025).
[v] Deborah Cole, “Conservatives win German election but far-right AfD doubles support”, The Guardian, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/feb/23/conservatives-poised-to-win-german-election-but-far-right-afd-doubles-support, (Date Accessed: 20.08.2025).
[vi] Ibid.
[vii] Addie Esposito, opcit, (Date Accessed: 20.08.2025).
[viii] “Poland’s president signs new law restricting asylum rights”, AP News, https://apnews.com/article/poland-asylum-law-5bc3bfc8fb5dbfcb2ad15e8d7ebaf824, (Date Accessed: 20.08.2025).
