Analysis

Governmental Crisis and Protests in Serbia

The recent popular mobilisations in Serbia are a manifestation of growing discontent with the government.
The main message of the protests is based on the reconstruction of democratic values from the grassroots of society.
The measures and steps taken by the government have turned out to be nothing more than political manoeuvring and therefore have not had a serious impact on the protests.

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In November 2024, following the collapse of a railway station shelter in Novi Sad, the second largest city in northern Serbia, killing 16 people, thousands of citizens across the country took to the streets in anti-corruption and accountability demonstrations. Although the overwhelming majority of the participants were young people, the demonstrations managed to gain support from different demographic groups in society. The protests, which lasted for months, were the largest popular uprisings in Serbia since 1997.[1]

The main themes of the large-scale protests centred around the concepts of accountability, rule of law and justice. These protests, which show that public discontent has reached serious levels, could be an important warning for President Alexander Vučić, who has been ruling the country since 2017. As a result of the blockades on university campuses, education had to be suspended for a while. Among the main demands of the students are the following: Impunity for the perpetrators of the train crash, public disclosure of tenders and official documents for the maintenance of the railway station, an increase in the annual state budget for higher education institutions, and the immediate release of students imprisoned for participating in the protests. It is understood that the protests will continue as long as these expectations and demands are not fulfilled by the government. As a matter of fact, demonstrators continue to remain on the streets by blocking some important roads and organising long marches.

On the other hand, the government suffered a major shock with the resignation of Prime Minister Miloš Vučević. Although this was perceived as a step back by the government side, it is important to note that this was not the first resignation from public institutions since November. While the young participants pointed to a major change in the business approach to public activities, it can also be argued that the government’s actions or concessions are a set of strategies to pacify young people who have been protesting in the streets for a long time. President Vučić has repeatedly stated that the priority of the people on the streets is in fact to overthrow the government and to organise a revolution.[2] The statements and measures taken by the government were aimed at calming the participants and, according to the government, preventing young people from being provoked by protesters who, according to the government, wanted to harm the country.

President Vučić has recently publicised two different proposals in an attempt to bring some calm in the face of popular resistance. Accordingly, the first proposal is to dismiss the current government and form a new one, and if this fails, the second proposal comes into play.[3] This will determine the date of early elections. Serbia held its last general elections at the end of 2023, again with early elections. Vučić took the first option and authorised Đuro Macut, a man with no political experience and a professional background in medicine, to form the new government. Many analyses, known to be close to the government, suggest that the reason for this choice was the President’s desire to present a neutral profile that would end the polarisation in society. However, it is not difficult to argue that such a profile would be unconditionally submissive to the President and would give the impression of a very loyal person. The new Prime Minister Macut, who was approved by the parliament and formed the government, called for an immediate end to the disrupted educational activities and the blocking of roads. In addition, Macut stated that there should be more dialogue between the government and citizens and that he would work for this. There is no certainty as to how this new cabinet, in which many ministers come from the former government, will affect the course of the street protests.[4]

The news of the deaths of 16 citizens in the fatal train crash sparked months of protests in Serbia. It is a fact that the resignations and the measures taken did not satisfy the young students in any significant sense. Among the issues that the young protesters are fighting against are corruption, democracy and the rule of law. There are doubts that the new government recently formed by Prime Minister Macut will significantly change the course of events. Regardless of how the latest developments in Serbia are assessed, it can be accepted that for the thousands of people gathered in the streets, the recent railway station incident was the last straw, and that it revealed a great deal of disenchantment with the government.


[1] “Index Revolution: Students at the Forefront of Change in Serbia”, Polis180, https://polis180.org/polisblog/2025/02/10/index-revolution-students-at-the-forefront-of-change-in-serbia/, (Date Accessed: 20.04.2025).

[2] “In the midst of mass protests, Serbian officials are recycling the narrative of a “colour revolution””, European Western Balkans, https://europeanwesternbalkans.com/2025/02/20/in-the-midst-of-mass-protests-serbian-officials-are-recycling-the-narrative-of-a-colour-revolution/, (Date Accessed: 16.04.2025).

[3] “Serbia’s Vucic Weighs New Government, Snap Elections Amid Disarray”, RadioFreeEurope RadioLiberty, https://www.rferl.org/a/serbia-vucic-protest-novisad-belgrade-vucevic-election/33292715.html, (Date Accesssed: 16.04.2025).

[4] “The Doctor Is In: Serbia’s Vucic Taps Endocrinologist To Treat Political Pressure”, RadioFreeEurope RadioLiberty, https://www.rferl.org/a/djuro-macut-serbia/33387111.html, (Date Accessed: 22.04.2025).

Ahmet İlhan KAPLAN
Ahmet İlhan KAPLAN
Ahmet İlhan Kaplan, Almanya Friedrich Schiller Jena Üniversitesi’nde Uluslararası Kurumlar ve Kriz Yönetimi alanında yüksek lisans yapmaktadır. Çatışma yönetimi, kimlik krizi, kriz sonrası uzlaşma, AB siyaseti ve genişlemesi ve Balkanlar siyaseti hakkında araştırmalar yapmaktadır. Kaplan iyi seviyede İngilizce ve Almanca bilmektedir.

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