Analysis

Iran War, Global Power Competition and the Geopolitics of the New World Order

The United States has condemned itself to a state of profound strategic uncertainty due to the Iran War.
Today, the world is experiencing the painful transition from a unipolar American-led order to a new multipolar system.
In this process, Türkiye stands at the center of the strategic nexus due to its geopolitical position.

Paylaş

This post is also available in: Türkçe

Developments centered on Iran should not be interpreted merely as a conventional regional conflict between two states. Contemporary crises in the Middle East have evolved into an intersection of multilayered proxy wars, energy geopolitics, global trade corridors, financial competition, and great-power rivalry. In this context, the Iran War represents not only a conflict concerning Iran itself, but also a global struggle for power that will shape the future of the United States, Israel, India, China, Russia, the European Union, United Kingdom, and numerous other international actors.

Iran War: From a Regional Crisis to a Global Confrontation

The Iran-centered conflict is rooted not solely in the nuclear program or the Israel–Iran confrontation. Rather, the underlying dynamics of this war include:

  • The global hegemonic rivalry between the United States and China; The reflections of the power struggle between Russia and Europe on the competition over energy,
  • The reflection of the power struggle between Russia and Europe in the sphere of energy competition; 
  • The contest over the control of energy routes, trade corridors, and logistical hubs; 
  • Emerging efforts to establish a new international order centered around BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. 

Within this framework, the Iran War should be viewed not merely as a regional crisis, but also as a geopolitical extension of the Russo-Ukrainian War into the Middle East. The United States and European countries sought to contain Russia militarily, economically, and politically on the Ukrainian front; however, they were ultimately unable to achieve their strategic objectives. On the other hand, the United States and Israel also aimed to use Iran as a means of controlling China’s energy supply security, the Belt and Road Initiative, and Asia–Middle East trade corridors; nevertheless, these strategies likewise failed to produce the desired outcomes.

The United States’ Strategic Impasse

The United States has, in recent years, pursued a containment-oriented strategy against China through semiconductor restrictions, tariff policies, energy geopolitics, and the control of maritime trade routes; however, these measures have failed to deliver the intended strategic outcomes. Washington has also sought to weaken China by leveraging the global oil market, yet fluctuations in energy prices and recurring tensions in the Strait of Hormuz have, in the long term, placed significant pressure on the U.S. economy. In addition, the United States’ assertive policies toward Iran have contributed to heightened uncertainty and volatility in global energy markets, while simultaneously deepening existing structural problems within the United States.

  • A continuously widening budget deficit; 
  • The weakening of global competitiveness; 
  • The erosion of dollar hegemony; 
  • A massive public debt burden; 
  • The unsustainability of its global military commitments; 
  • The gradual decline of its global prestige; and 
  • The substantial loss of its allies. 

The United States currently holds a public debt of approximately 40 trillion dollars, with an annual interest burden exceeding 1.5 trillion dollars. This debt burden increasingly renders the economic sustainability of American hegemony more debatable. In addition, rising levels of borrowing and expanding budget deficits are intensifying inflationary pressures within the U.S. economy. This situation generates structural risks that could, in the long term, weaken the global reserve currency status of the U.S. dollar. The loss of the dollar’s reserve currency function would constitute a major strategic rupture, significantly undermining the United States’ dominance in global economic competition. Indeed, while the United States controlled nearly half of the global economy in the 1950s, its share of global output has declined to approximately 25 percent today.

China’s “Bloodless” Global Rise

China has been rising within the global system through economic and technological instruments rather than military confrontation. In particular, China’s dominance over rare earth elements provides Beijing with a significant strategic advantage. According to 2024 data, China accounts for approximately 70% of global rare earth production. Many strategic sectors, ranging from electric vehicles to the defense industry, are dependent on these China-controlled resources.

The Belt and Road Initiative should not be interpreted merely as an economic trade project; rather, it also functions as the economic backbone of a new global order. From the perspective of the United States, dominance in the Middle East does not only imply control over energy resources and trade corridors, but also the ability to constrain China’s overland and maritime trade networks. For this reason, the United States and Israel have sought to weaken China’s energy security and regional influence through proxy conflicts centered on Iran. However, the Washington administration has not yet succeeded in this strategy, and more importantly, it has not developed a clear and sustainable framework for containing China’s rise.

The United States has, in effect, been pushed into a state of strategic uncertainty due to the Iran War. This condition became even more evident following the escalation of tensions in the Strait of Hormuz, where disruptions and countermeasures created a feedback loop of instability. In other words, while attempting to secure and stabilize the Strait of Hormuz, the United States has simultaneously exposed itself to greater strategic entanglement. This ambiguity has increasingly intensified pressure on the Trump administration from both domestic public opinion and the international system. Consequently, the Iran War is directly linked to the broader U.S.–China global rivalry and represents a geopolitical struggle closely tied to China’s ongoing rise.

The European Union’s Energy Dilemma

The European Union’s most critical vulnerability lies in its energy dependence. Following the Russo-Ukrainian War, Europe’s loss of access to inexpensive Russian energy has significantly affected its industrial production and overall economic competitiveness. In the short term, a fully autonomous and comprehensive transition to green energy appears unlikely for the European Union. Moreover, European countries remain highly dependent on China in terms of renewable energy technologies. The production and deployment of these technologies require substantial quantities of rare earth elements and critical minerals, in which China maintains a dominant global position. As a result, Europe’s long-term energy security strategy may increasingly face structural constraints, and it is assessed that the continent could, over time, experience renewed incentives to partially return to Russian energy resources for supply stability.

At this juncture, the strategic significance of the Nabucco Pipeline Project—long advocated by Türkiye—has once again come to the forefront, and although it was opposed by Russia under the geopolitical conditions of its time, it has gained renewed relevance for both Moscow and Brussels in the current strategic environment; in this context, Türkiye’s geostrategic position makes its energy corridor infrastructure—particularly the Trans Anatolian Natural Gas Pipeline (TANAP), the TurkStream, and the Baku–Tbilisi–Ceyhan Pipeline—of critical importance in terms of East–West energy connectivity, thereby granting it substantial strategic weight within the evolving global energy architecture.

The Weakening of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the United States’ Instrumentalized Security Architecture

Although NATO was originally established in 1949 as a collective defense mechanism against the Cold War and the Soviet Union, it has continued to exist and expand even in the post–Cold War era. The primary reason for this persistence lies in the fact that NATO has functioned for the United States not only as a military alliance, but also as a strategic instrument with economic and political dimensions, enabling Washington to maintain influence over the transatlantic security architecture and broader international order.

Through NATO, the United States has been able to:

  • Finance and sustain its defense industry; 
  • Maintain its security influence over Europe and keep European states within its strategic orbit; and 
  • Enhance its global intervention capacity, thereby reinforcing its hegemonic position. 

Although the President of the United States, Donald Trump, has at times adopted rhetoric that appears critical of NATO, the complete dissolution of the alliance in the short term does not appear feasible from the perspective of American interests, given the strategic, military, and geopolitical functions it continues to serve for Washington.

From the perspective of Türkiye, membership in NATO is regarded as highly valuable and strategically significant. In this context, Türkiye’s membership in NATO:

  • Its ability to exercise veto power within the alliance; 
  • Its capacity to maintain a balance of power in the Eastern Mediterranean, particularly vis-à-vis actors such as Israel, Greece, and the Republic of Cyprus; 
  • Its role in preserving its geopolitical weight against Russia. 

From the perspective of Türkiye, remaining within NATO is generally assessed as a more rational security strategy than remaining outside the alliance.

The Rising Geopolitical Importance of Türkiye

Türkiye is one of the most critical geopolitical bridges between the East and the West. Initiatives such as the Organization of Turkic States, the Zangezur Corridor, and the Development Road Project are increasing Ankara’s strategic influence not only on a regional scale but also globally.

Following the 2020 Karabakh Victory, Türkiye’s influence over the Turkic world has increased significantly. The geography of the Turkic world holds critical importance for Russia, China, India, Europe, and Türkiye in terms of energy reserves, trade corridors, and the security of logistics hubs.

It would be inaccurate to evaluate Türkiye’s rise in the political, economic, and military spheres merely as a regional development. This multidimensional progress points to a geopolitical and geostrategic transformation process that is playing an influential role in shaping the new international order.

The Israel Conflict Within U.S. Domestic Dynamics

The issue of Israel is becoming increasingly controversial within U.S. domestic politics and public opinion. Rising costs in the United States, prolonged wars, and the perception that Israel-centered crises are placing a burden on the U.S. are gaining greater attention each day. For this reason, two different lines of conflict appear to be emerging in Washington:

  • The first is an Israel-centered conflict that advocates global expansionism and interventionism, 
  • The second is a nationalist-oriented conflict that argues the United States should focus on its domestic problems. 

The conflict between these two factions in the United States, along with the country’s deep-rooted structural problems, may in the coming years lead the U.S. to become more inward-looking and increasingly occupied with its own internal crises as it weakens.

Conclusion

The Iran War is not merely Iran’s war. This conflict represents the Middle Eastern reflection of:

  • the global rivalry between China and the United States, 
  • the power struggle between Russia and the West, 
  • the arms race involving many countries, particularly Japan and Germany, 
  • the competition over energy reserves, trade routes, and logistics hubs, 
  • the struggle for rare earth elements and critical minerals, 
  • the conflict between the dollar-centered system and alternative economic blocs, 
  • and the search for dominant power in the emerging new world order.

Today, the world is experiencing the turbulent transition from a unipolar American-led order to a new multipolar system. Structures and initiatives such as BRICS, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Organization of Turkic States, the Belt and Road Initiative, along with energy corridors, energy reserves, critical minerals, and logistics hubs, constitute the main dynamics of this transformation.

In this process, Türkiye stands at the center of the strategic nexus due to its geopolitical position. Türkiye’s location along East–West and North–South energy transit routes provides Ankara with a significant geopolitical advantage.

The capacity increases achieved in recent years within the defense industry are strengthening Türkiye’s regional and global influence. These developments are also enhancing Türkiye’s level of military and technological independence.

Türkiye is diversifying its relations with Middle Eastern and African countries. The political and economic ties developed with the Turkic world further support this process. Within this framework, Türkiye’s potential to become one of the influential and decisive actors in the emerging international system in the coming years is steadily increasing.

Doç. Dr. Mustafa ÖZALP
Doç. Dr. Mustafa ÖZALP
He was born on December 25, 1983, in the village of Uzakçay, Akdağmadeni district, Yozgat. ÖZALP completed his primary education in his village of birth, and his secondary and high school education in Ankara. At the end of 2004, he went to Austria for higher education. ÖZALP, who has a Turkish immigrant background as his parents lived in Vienna, held various positions in many civil society organizations, especially Turkish civil society organizations, during his years in Vienna. ÖZALP completed his undergraduate and graduate studies in Political Science at the University of Vienna in Austria between 2005 and 2015, and he finished his doctorate in international development at the same university. ÖZALP, who started working as a faculty member at the Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences at Yozgat Bozok University in June 2016, served as the director of the Akdağmadeni Vocational School of the same university from 2016 to 2019. ÖZALP is also a founding faculty member of the Department of International Relations at Yozgat Bozok University, which opened in 2016, and he is still working in this department. ÖZALP, who received the title of associate professor in International Relations in 2021, has published four books, two of which are in German, edited two books, one of which is in German, contributed to five book chapters, and published articles in over twenty international peer-reviewed journals. ÖZALP's academic research areas include energy integration in the Turkic world, trade corridors, and transportation diplomacy, as well as the Turkistan region, European energy policies, the Arctic region, energy security, global warming, climate change, and migration. ÖZALP, who speaks German at an academic level, is married and the father of a daughter.

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