North Macedonia, which is a country located in Eastern Europe, is a harmonized country comprising two major ethnic groups and is historically known for ethnic, linguistic, and religious heterogeneity. One of them is Macedonian, which covers almost %64 of the country’s population. The second one is Albanian, which covers almost %25 of the country’s population and is regarded as the biggest minority group in the country.[i] Other than those, there are other minor ethnic groups such as the Turkish, the Romani, and the Serb. The Romani are scattered in spesific neighborhoods and Albanians live separately from Macedonians.
The country, throughout its history, is frequently remembered for skirmishes and tensions. These tensions escalated even to high-armed levels. The country is now regarded as a divided society, in which these two groups live separate lives and share power following the consociational model of democracy, which brought about troublesome processes and is leading to huge divisions.
The dissolution of Yugoslavia brought about a new era for Macedonia with a relatively peaceful secession process in 1991. Even prior to that, in Yugoslavia, Macedonians were accepted as a constituent nation.[ii] On the other hand, Albanians were not granted such status in Macedonia. The Albanian political elite was taking part in the executive branches and coalitions were being created that involved the Albanian parties. Yet, there was no effective conversation for the emergence of power-sharing as the power was concentrated in the Social Democratic Union of Macedonia which is partnered with the Party for Democratic Prosperity of Albanians. Hence, this inclusion was considered ostensible and an inevitable dissatisfaction broke out among the Albanian. Accordingly, the Party for Democratic Prosperity of Albanians’ reputation was harmed, and the elections were lost. After that, the Democratic Party of Albanians was formed and although, at first, the Macedonian parties were not favoring its inclusion, they gradually invited the DPA into the coalition. Yet, these efforts that are carried out by the Macedonian side were not contributing to the significance of ethnic Albanian inclusion in the state apparatus and should not be considered as a process of power-sharing.
Accordingly, although there had been small tensions until 2001, the problems reached their climax in that year, in which some skirmishes occurred between the Albanians and Macedonians that articulated into violence over time. After months of fighting, two Macedonian parties and two Albanian parties signed the Ohrid Framework Agreement under the supervision of the European Union and the President of the North Macedonia that quelled the dispute and paved the way for a stabilization, ethnic range management, and power-sharing. Through this development, parliamentarian democracy was converted to a similar model called the parliamentary model with consociational elements. It increased the Albanian influence in the Parliament and public administration. It additionally made huge regulations in the constitution for the adaption of such changes. The OFA, in general, pursued building a grand coalition, proportional representation, veto rights, and segmental autonomy.[iii]
The post-conflict government was formed with a newly formed Albanian Party called the Democratic Union for Integration that lasted until 2006 with problematic disputes taking place. In the elections, the leading Macedonian party invited the second leading dissenting Albanian party to the coalition that was condemned by Democratic Union for Integration. However, then during the upcoming election cycles, DUI was noticed as a dominant one.[iv] In this regard, this system is considered weak and minimal. Yet, the parties, Albanians and part of other minorities strived to increase their representation level in the state. However, this implementation process created a duress in the multinational character of the republic as it failed to allot adequate mechanisms of protection for smaller groups. Thereby, although some animosities and hostilities have persisted, the sides were relatively subdued.
There are multiple other minor groups that are not satisfied by not being represented. It is considered that the North Macedonia is ceased to be a nation-state and is now a complicated two-nation state. This situation may easily be dragged elsewhere and converted into a dangerous campaign that could entail adverse incidents. The existence of Albanian signs alongside the Macedonian language on the state buildings will inevitebly irritate numerous people, especially the Macedonians. Yet, though the system seems weak, the international community considers that this execution has made the peace permanent and maintained its potential in North Macedonia.
Many see the agreement as a concession. However, concession is required for a path toward peace. The affairs that concern peoples, distinctively in politics, have always vacancies and disagreements. Nothing is perfect in this sense. If the matter in question concerned the ethnic structures spesifically, it could evoke unfavorable consequences. Given that there has been relative stability in the country’s politics for the last 10 years, the system in question can serve as a fruitful precedent. Yet, there will always be doubts over its functionality. Eventually, the divisions and tensions between two groups in the country will persist.
[i] “North Macedonia”, Minority Rights Group, https://minorityrights.org/country/macedonia/, (Access Date: 03.10.2024).
[ii] “A Guide to the United States’ History of Recognition, Diplomatic, and Consular Relations, by Country, since 1776: North Macedonia”, Office of the Historian, https://history.state.gov/countries/macedonia, (Access Date: 03.10.2024).
[iii] Sasho Rıpıloskı&Stevo Pendarovskı, “Macedonia and the Ohrid Framework Agreement: Framed Past, Elusive Future”, PERCEPTIONS: Journal of International Affairs, 18(2), s. 137.
[iv] “Chronology for Albanians in Macedonia”, Minorities at Risk Project, https://webarchive.archive.unhcr.org/20230521080008/https://www.refworld.org/docid/469f38b7a.html, (Access Date: 03.10.2024).
