Pakistan’s Strategic Autonomy Sensitivity

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Under the leadership of Shahbaz Sharif, Pakistan is strengthening its strategic autonomy and becoming one of the important actors in the regional and global equation. Accordingly, unlike the Imran Khan era, the Islamabad administration avoids developing close relations with a single actor and acts within the framework of a multilateral and multidimensional diplomacy approach that takes into account the balances between power centers. Islamabad believes that this foreign policy orientation strengthens Pakistan’s sovereignty and independence. Thus, Islamabad is diversifying its economic cooperation, attracting investment and reaching its economic potential. In other words, Pakistan, like any other nation-state, has an understanding that allows it to maximize its own interests.

In this context, Pakistan is a major stakeholder in the Belt and Road Initiative announced by Chinese President Xi Jinping during his visit to Kazakhstan in 2013. Islamabad is part of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), one of the six economic corridors of the initiative. As a matter of fact, it hosts major projects within the framework of CPEC, notably the Gwadar Port. Moreover, China is a critical economic partner of Pakistan, from which Pakistan receives loans and grants. Therefore, China is one of the facets of Islamabad’s multilateral foreign policy approach.

On the other hand, Pakistan is an energy dependent country. Due to this dependence, Islamabad is in search of energy security and energy independence. As a reflection of this quest, Pakistan is trying to realize the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India Natural Gas Pipeline (TAPI) and has set one of the directions of its foreign policy as Central Asia, particularly Turkmenistan. Indeed, Islamabad’s relations with the capitals of the region are improving day by day. In return, Pakistan offers Central Asian countries the opportunity to open up to the oceans and thus proposes a win-win relationship.

The Russian factor constitutes another dimension of Pakistan’s energy security cooperation. In the current conjuncture where the international community has developed strategies to isolate the Moscow regime due to the Russia-Ukraine War and is trying to collapse the Russian economy by targeting Russia’s energy sector, the European Union (EU) has imposed an oil price ceiling in order to limit the Kremlin’s oil exports. In such an environment, Islamabad, on the other hand, prioritized its own interests and signed an agreement to procure oil from Moscow despite possible pressure from the EU and the United States (US). In fact, the first cargo ship carrying Russian oil to Pakistan docked at Karachi Port on June 11, 2023. Sharif openly expressed his satisfaction with this development and thanked everyone who contributed to the process.[1]

On the other hand, in order to overcome its economic difficulties, Pakistan is also establishing relations with its traditional allies in the Gulf, trying to attract investment from the Gulf and signing various commercial agreements with these states.

In doing so, Islamabad, unlike the Khan era, has not neglected the West and has taken care to restore its relations with the West.[2] In fact, this situation stems from Pakistan’s aim to increase its strategic autonomy and is in line with the country’s multilateral foreign policy. Security-based cooperation between Islamabad and Washington has deepened, especially following the increase in attacks by the terrorist organization Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and separatist Baloch groups in Pakistan. Indeed, many TTP terrorists have been neutralized in US unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) strikes. In return, Pakistan consents to the use of its airspace for US drone strikes in Afghanistan. The most concrete example of this is the drone operation that killed Ayman al-Zawahiri, the leader of the terrorist organization al-Qaeda.[3] Moreover, Washington has pledged to support Pakistan’s efforts to ensure border security.[4]

As can be understood, there is a Pakistani reality that cooperates with different actors in many areas ranging from economy to energy, from investments to security, and displays a constructive stance with the win-win principle to achieve its own interests. Despite this, Islamabad’s relations with actors such as China and Russia are criticized by some circles in the West. As a reflection of this, on May 18, 2023, 65 US senators wrote a letter to US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, making various allegations and demanding that Washington put pressure on Islamabad with all means at its disposal. [5] In fact, this demand implies that Pakistan is being asked to make a geopolitical choice.

On June 9, 2023, Blinken responded to the letter and emphasized that the United States has a consistent engagement with Pakistan and values these relations.[6] Therefore, while some argue that Islamabad should be forced to choose, many actors, including the United States, recognize and respect Pakistan’s sensitivity to strengthening its strategic autonomy.

It was precisely in this context that Islamabad felt the need to remind itself that it would not accept being forced to choose sides. In an interview with Politico on June 14, 2023, Pakistan’s Deputy Foreign Minister Hina Rabbani Khar emphasized that Pakistan does not intend to take sides in the increasingly fierce global competition between the US and China.[7]  Of course, Khar’s emphasis highlights Islamabad’s sensitivity to preserving and strengthening its strategic autonomy.

In conclusion, Pakistan acts with a multifaceted and multidimensional foreign policy approach that takes into account the balances between the power centers under Sharif. In this framework, it establishes relations with every actor that it finds suitable for its interests in areas where there is an opportunity for cooperation. Strengthening its strategic autonomy through these relations, Pakistan does not accept being forced to choose, as can be understood from Khar’s statements.


[1] “Pakistan PM Says First Discounted Russian Crude Oil Cargo Arrives in Karachi”, Reuters, https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/pakistan-pm-says-first-discounted-russian-crude-oil-cargo-arrives-karachi-2023-06-11/, (Date of Accession: 13.06.2023).

[2] Doğacan Başaran, “Pakistan’s Western Expansion: Restoration Period in Relations”, ANKASAM, https://www.ankasam.org/pakistans-western-expansion-restoration-period-in-relations/?lang=en, (Date of Accession: 15.06.2023).

[3] Doğacan Başaran, “The Killing of Zawahiri: What Future Awaits US-Taliban Relations?”, ANKASAM, https://www.ankasam.org/the-killing-of-zawahiri-what-future-awaits-us-taliban-relations/?lang=en, (Date of Accession: 15.06.2023).

[4]  “Pakistan Has Right to Defend Itself from Terrorism”, Ary News, https://arynews.tv/pakistan-has-right-to-defend-itself-from-terrorism/, (Date of Accession: 14.06.2023).

[5] “US Congress Members Urge Blinken to Pressurize Pakistan to Improve Human Rights Situation”, ANI News,

https://www.aninews.in/news/world/asia/us-congress-members-urge-blinken-to-pressurize-pakistan-to-improve-human-rights-situation20230518190521/, (Date of Accession: 13.06.2023).

[6] “Blinken Underlines Consistent US Engagement with Pakistan”, Down, https://www.dawn.com/news/1758762, (Date of Accession: 13.06.2023).

[7] “Pakistan: Don’t Ask Us to Choose between the US and China”, Politico, https://www.politico.eu/article/pakistan-choose-us-china-global-power-bloc-hina-rabbani-khar/, (Date of Accession: 14.06.2023).

Dr. Doğacan BAŞARAN
Dr. Doğacan BAŞARAN
Dr. Doğacan BAŞARAN, 2014 yılında Gazi Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü’nden mezun olmuştur. Yüksek lisans derecesini, 2017 yılında Giresun Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı’nda sunduğu ‘’Uluslararası Güç İlişkileri Bağlamında İkinci Dünya Savaşı Sonrası Hegemonik Mücadelelerin İncelenmesi’’ başlıklı teziyle almıştır. Doktora derecesini ise 2021 yılında Trakya Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı‘nda hazırladığı “İmparatorluk Düşüncesinin İran Dış Politikasına Yansımaları ve Milliyetçilik” başlıklı teziyle alan Başaran’ın başlıca çalışma alanları Uluslararası ilişkiler kuramları, Amerikan dış politikası, İran araştırmaları ve Afganistan çalışmalarıdır. Başaran iyi derecede İngilizce ve temel düzeyde Farsça bilmektedir.

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