Analysis

The Transformation of the Turkish Air Power and the Quest for Strategic Autonomy

Türkiye has embarked on a process of restructuring its air force through indigenous projects and multi-source procurement models.
KAAN, armed drones (SİHAs), and electronic warfare systems reflect Türkiye’s determination to pursue a more independent strategy in its air power.
Keywords: KAAN, F-16 Modernization, Bayraktar TB2, Eurofighter Typhoon, Defense Industry

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The Turkish Air Force, one of the oldest air forces in the world, was established in the early 20th century and entered a period of deep integration with American defense systems following Türkiye’s accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1952. Since the 1950s, U.S.-made aircraft, munitions, and training doctrines have formed the backbone of Turkish air power, a structure that persisted throughout the Cold War. Over time, however, this long-standing cooperation evolved into a form of strategic dependency, creating a vulnerability that amplified external influence on Türkiye’s defense planning. The country’s expulsion from the F-35 program, the blockage of F-16 modernization by the U.S. Congress, conflicts of interest in the Syrian theater, and airspace tensions in the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean have prompted Türkiye to accelerate efforts to enhance its air capabilities and to embark on the reconstruction of its air power on a domestic foundation.

For decades, U.S.-made F-16 fighter jets have formed the backbone of the Turkish Air Force. Since the commissioning of the first F-16 squadron in 1987, the Air Force has become dependent on procurement, training, and maintenance agreements conducted with the United States. Over time, this dependency evolved into a political relationship that imposed strategic constraints, with even aircraft modernization subject to Washington’s approval. Reliance on foreign sources for critical mission software and munitions systems has significantly limited Türkiye’s ability to employ its air power independently. In 2019, Türkiye’s inability to procure Patriot missiles and its subsequent purchase of the Russian-made S-400 air defense system made this fragile relationship starkly visible.

Washington removed Türkiye from the F-35 program and seized the aircraft that had been scheduled for delivery. This stance, at odds with the spirit of alliance, revealed that the United States was drifting away from being a reliable defense partner. Moreover, even Türkiye’s requests for F-16 Block 70 aircraft and modernization kits became subjects of political debate in the U.S. Congress. Agreements were turned into bargaining tools, tied to foreign policy issues such as Türkiye’s approval of Sweden’s NATO membership.[i] This situation once again underscored the necessity for Türkiye to chart its own course toward defense autonomy.

Excluded from the F-35 program for political reasons, Türkiye sought alternative solutions to fill the capability gap in its air force and maintain deterrence. The most concrete step in this direction was the initiation of the procurement process for Eurofighter Typhoon fighter jets. Türkiye intensified its diplomatic engagement, particularly through the United Kingdom, to secure access to this platform. However, the main obstacle came from Germany, a member of the Typhoon production consortium, which imposed a political veto. Although the process remained stalled for a long period due to Berlin’s refusal to grant an export license, Germany’s reversal in the summer of 2025 officially cleared the way for the sale.[ii]

The Eurofighter Typhoons are envisioned primarily as multirole fighter aircraft intended to temporarily offset the operational capabilities of the F-16s. Offering a high transition capability between air-to-air and air-to-ground missions, this platform will provide the Turkish Air Force with significant operational flexibility in the short term. Nonetheless, such systems inevitably entail technological and logistical dependence on one or more foreign states. In the long run, Türkiye’s security vision must rest not on interim measures, but on systems it designs and controls itself. True air sovereignty requires not only autonomy in operational activities but also full control over software codes.

The Turkish defense industry has successfully transformed the unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) revolution it began with the Bayraktar TB2 into a military doctrine within a short span of time. The TB2’s effectiveness in Syria, Ukraine, and Nagorno-Karabakh has shaped the future of armed drones (SİHAs) as low-cost yet high-capacity instruments of war. This capability has been further expanded with high-altitude, long-endurance UAVs such as the Akıncı and Aksungur, culminating in the Kızılelma project, a jet-powered, low-radar-signature platform that positions Türkiye as a driving force in defense technology. Moreover, Türkiye has developed an independent operational capability to strike targets of its choosing without requiring approval from the United States or Europe. The sale of TB2s to Ukraine, Azerbaijan’s success in Nagorno-Karabakh, and emerging security partnerships in Africa illustrate that these systems have also become diplomatic and economic tools.[iii] SİHAs have thus evolved into a vehicle for delivering a geopolitical message that reflects Türkiye’s resolve in foreign policy.

KAAN is Türkiye’s fifth-generation fighter jet project. Excluded from the F-35 program for political reasons, Türkiye demonstrated to the world in early 2025 that it was not bound to that project by successfully conducting the maiden flight of KAAN’s first prototype. The aircraft’s design incorporates all the features expected from a fifth-generation fighter, low radar cross-section (stealth), high maneuverability, twin-engine configuration, supercruise capability, sensor fusion, and AI-assisted mission planning.[iv] KAAN is intended to be effective in both air-to-air and air-to-ground missions. While the current prototypes use F110 engines as an interim solution, ongoing work with TRMotor and TEI signals Türkiye’s determination to develop its own turbojet engine.[v] Achieving engine independence will be one of the key factors defining KAAN’s truly “national” character. Unlike U.S.-made systems, KAAN will not require external approval for mission computers, software updates, or weapons integration, freeing Türkiye’s military decision-making from outside influence. Planned to form the backbone of the Turkish Air Force after 2030, KAAN is set to mark the beginning of a new era for Turkey’s air power.

Turkey now views U.S.-supplied systems not as the core of its strategic planning, but as temporary tools to accelerate the transition to indigenous production. The modernization of the F-16 fleet is intended solely to extend the service life of existing platforms. A significant share of the defense budget can be redirected toward projects that secure independence in the defense sector such as KAAN, Kızılelma, and advanced electronic warfare systems. Solutions like the Eurofighter Typhoon are seen only as stopgaps to fill strategic gaps, without creating lasting dependency. The primary objective is to achieve full autonomy in critical domains such as engines, radar systems, mission software, and artificial intelligence. In this framework, institutions like TUSAŞ, ASELSAN, HAVELSAN, and TÜBİTAK are expected to evolve from being mere suppliers into strategic decision-making entities. In the long term, Turkish air power could institutionalize itself as a model that not only meets domestic needs but also exports to allied nations, setting norms in the process. This would put an end to the one-sided and fragile supply relationship with the United States. As Türkiye transforms its air force, it simultaneously expands its domain of sovereignty. Platforms such as KAAN, Bayraktar TB2, and Akıncı will define Türkiye’s vision for the future.


[i] “US approves sale of F-16 jets to Turkey”, BBC News, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-68115978, (Date Accessed: 14.08.2025).

[ii] “Turkey, UK agree on Eurofighter exports in step closer to deal”, Defense News, https://www.defensenews.com/global/europe/2025/07/23/turkey-uk-agree-on-eurofighter-exports-in-step-closer-to-deal/, (Date Accessed: 14.08.2025).

[iii] “Exclusive: After Ukraine, ‘Whole World Is a Customer,’ Turkish Drone Maker Says”, Reuters, https://www.reuters.com/business/aerospace-defense/exclusive-after-ukraine-whole-world-is-customer-turkish-drone-maker-says-2022-05-30/, (Date Accessed: 14.08.2025).

[iv] “Milli Muharip Uçak KAAN’ın özellikleri”, SavunmaTR, https://www.savunmatr.com/milli-muharip-ucak-kaanin-ozellikleri/, (Date Accessed: 14.08.2025).

[v] “Yerli motor için tarih verildi: KAAN’da yeni dönem”, SavunmaSanayiST, https://www.savunmasanayist.com/yerli-motor-icin-tarih-verildi-kaanda-yeni-donem/, (Date Accessed: 14.08.2025).

Ali Kerem GÜLAÇTI
Ali Kerem GÜLAÇTI
Ali Kerem Gülaçtı is currently pursuing his undergraduate studies in the Department of International Relations at Bilkent University while continuing his minor program in the Department of History. Ali Kerem's main areas of interest are European politics, human rights law and intergovernmental organizations. Ali Kerem speaks advanced English and beginner German.

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