The European Union’s (EU) enlargement process is one of the most ambitious projects to deepen political and economic integration on a continental scale, carrying historical significance. However, this process, which accelerated with the accession of Eastern and Central European countries in 2004, has also brought structural asymmetries within the Union; the most prominent manifestation of these asymmetries has been the phenomenon of “brain drain.” Brain drain refers to the mass movement of highly skilled individuals towards more developed economies. While it is legal under the EU’s principle of free movement, it has long-term consequences that undermine the Union’s integration goals.
One of the fundamental objectives of the European Union’s enlargement strategy is to ensure economic and social cohesion among member states, or in other words, to promote regional convergence. However, the development gap between Eastern and Western Europe has paved the way for a one-way flow of skilled human capital following enlargement. For example, a significant portion of Poland’s medical and engineering graduates settle in developed Western European countries such as Germany, which offer higher wages and career opportunities. Similarly, software engineers trained in Romania are heading to Western Europe’s technology hubs. This situation increases the loss of skilled labor in the countries of origin, weakens productive capacity, and negatively affects regional development dynamics. Thus, the regional inequalities that the EU’s “Convergence Policy” aims to reduce are deepening as a result of the skilled workforce moving westward; this process reverses the ideal of economic convergence, creating a picture that conflicts with the Union’s integration goals.
The brain drain is a multidimensional process shaped by the interaction of political, institutional, and social dynamics, going beyond being a purely economic phenomenon. Institutional weaknesses observed particularly in new member states (corruption, political instability, appointment and promotion systems not based on merit) undermine the confidence of the qualified young population in their country and reinforce their decision to move abroad. At the individual level, this situation is related not only to the search for economic opportunities but also to the desire for institutional justice, freedom, and professional satisfaction. For example, in Hungary, the recent restriction of university management autonomy and the decline in academic freedom have led many researchers and academics to move to countries such as Germany or Austria, where academic autonomy is stronger. Similarly, in Bulgaria, the health system’s operation with insufficient resources, low wages, and worsening working conditions have caused doctors and nurses to migrate en masse to Western European countries; this process has lowered the quality of local health services, creating a new cycle of human capital impoverishment.
Technical and cultural facilitators also play an important role in accelerating brain drain. The standardization of education programs across Europe under the Bologna Process has increased the recognition of academic diplomas; the increase in foreign language proficiency, particularly the emergence of English as a common language of communication, has facilitated the integration of young professionals into European labor markets. These developments have transformed mobility from being merely an economic choice into a multidimensional social movement shaped by individuals’ expectations of quality of life, social security, academic freedom, democratic values, and personal development. In that respect, brain drain has become a concrete manifestation of deepening institutional imbalances and social discontent along the east-west axis, rather than a natural consequence of the European Union’s free movement principle.
The policies developed by the EU to address this issue have fallen short of achieving the desired balance. Structural fund programs implemented under the Cohesion Policy and research initiatives such as Horizon Europe, while aiming to promote the circulation of knowledge, have in practice encouraged “permanent relocation” rather than “temporary circulation.” Student exchange projects such as the Erasmus+ program, while increasing cultural interaction, have reinforced the tendency of participants to pursue their careers in Western Europe after graduation. Particularly in Baltic countries such as Lithuania and Latvia, the continuous decline in the young and educated segment of the population is eroding national innovation capacities and hindering the EU’s comprehensive implementation of its “knowledge-based economy” goal. In this context, Turkey’s scientific capacity, human capital accumulation, and young population represent significant potential for Europe’s innovative sectors. Consequently, European universities, technology companies, and research centers are increasingly inclined to incorporate Turkish experts and researchers into their structures within the framework of international cooperation.
During this process, academic and professional mobility opportunities provided through European Union programs such as Horizon Europe and Erasmus also play a decisive role. Such programs contribute to Turkish researchers and professionals establishing stronger ties with European institutions, carrying out joint projects, and increasing knowledge sharing. This creates a platform for mutual interaction between Turkey and Europe in the field of qualified human capital and enables the development of knowledge transfer, technological cooperation, and academic partnerships in the long term.
Nevertheless, although this mutual interaction appears positive in the short term, it also carries a structural risk that must be carefully managed in the long term for Turkey. This is because the increasing demand for highly skilled labor in European countries may lead Turkish professionals to turn more comprehensively to European labor markets, especially after EU membership. This situation could negatively affect Turkey’s own development goals, R&D capacity, and the balance of qualified human resources in strategic sectors. Therefore, while advancing its EU accession process, Turkey needs to implement policies that will transform brain drain into brain circulation and develop sustainable strategies that encourage the skilled workforce to remain in the country by investing in research infrastructure. Otherwise, human capital mobility towards the European Union has the potential to cause serious structural problems and sectoral imbalances within the country in the long term.
In conclusion, the phenomenon of brain drain represents one of the most serious paradoxes created by the EU’s enlargement process. While the principle of free movement expands individual freedoms on the one hand, the unequal geographical distribution of human capital deepens structural divisions within the Union on the other. This risk is likely to become even more pronounced when it comes to the potential accession of new members such as the Western Balkans or Ukraine. In Turkey’s case, the migration of highly skilled human capital to European labor markets stands out as a development that must be closely monitored in terms of potential future structural imbalances and losses in R&D capacity within the country. Therefore, it is essential for Turkey to implement measures that will retain its skilled workforce and transform brain drain into manageable mobility. Otherwise, even if enlargement goes down in history as a political success, it will be inevitable that asymmetries that are difficult to compensate for at the economic and social levels will become permanent.
